The notion of ethnic homogeneity has served a potent role in building modern nation-states. Governments have often used perceived ethnic homogeneity to unite their citizens, build a unified front against potential foreign enemies, and strengthen the nation-state. Certain tyrannical regimes, such as Nazi Germany, actively perpetuated the concept of ethnic homogeneity to justify totalitarian control. The development of modern Japanese state was no exception to propagating the vision of ethnic homogeneity. Writing in Education about Asia, John Lie notes that “Between 1952 and 1985, the Japanese government projected an ethno-racially homogeneous vision of Japanese society – one race, one ethnicity, one nation.” Even after 1985, the belief that Japan is a homogeneous society “remains a particularly powerful myth with enduring influence over the identity-formation of Japanese people.” Contrary to popular notions, however, ethnic minorities have long existed in Japan, including the Ainu in Hokkaido and the people of Okinawa. Motivated by colonial ambitions and ethno-nationalism, the Japanese government during the post-Meiji Reformation period subjugated these groups, suppressed their culture and language, and systematically encouraged them to assimilate into Japanese society. The ethnic minority status was only recently granted for the Ainu at the turn of the 21st century.
The Koreans are another ethnic minority group in Japan; until the past few years, recently, they were the largest group. Periodic waves of Korean migration occurred throughout history, such as the migration of the displaced people of Baekje to Kyushu after Baekje’s collapse in 660 and the kidnapping of Koreans after Japanese invasions of Korea from 1592 to 1598 (文禄の役, Bunroku no Eki). The contemporary Korean population in Japan, however, mainly consists of descendants of those who moved or were forcibly relocated to Japan during Japanese colonial rule of Korea (1910-1945). After Japanese defeat in World War II, the Koreans were progressively stripped away of their previous imperial citizenship and continued to be subjected to economic destitution and social discrimination. For instance, the Zai (在) included in the term used to denote Koreans in Japan, Zainichi Kankokujin (在日韓国人) or Zainichi Chosenjin (在日朝鮮人), “implies ‘temporary’ residence.” This means that Zainichi have been viewed as ‘non-Japanese’ and considered differently by the Japanese majority.5 The Zainichi Koreans were also legally classified as resident aliens, keeping them as “strangers in their native land.”6
The division of their homeland by Soviet and US forces also led to the ideological division of Korean society in Japan, between the DPRK-oriented General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, or Chongryon (在日本朝鮮人総聯合会), and the ROK-supported Korean Residents Union in Japan, or Mindan (在日本大韓民国民団). The two Korean governments used the Zainichi Koreans to compete against each other and to gain legitimacy as the true representative government in Korea. Without protection from the Japanese or the two Korean governments, this left the Zainichi Koreans vulnerable to discriminatory violence from some Japanese individuals.
The advent of globalization within the last three decades brought about a massive exchange of people between faraway places. Japan is no exception to this global trend. With increasing immigration of Chinese, Indonesian, Filipino and Nikkeijin (日系人, foreigners of Japanese descent) workers, Japan has been slowly turning into a multicultural society (多文化社会, Ta bunka shakai). This “growing awareness of multi-ethnic Japan renders the recognition of Zainichi increasingly mainstream.” Indeed, numerous Zainichi Koreans have come to the forefront of Japanese society, including Masayoshi Son (손정의, 孫 正義), the founder and CEO of telecommunications company SoftBank. It thus begs the question: how did the Zainichi identity shift over time, which factors contributed to their higher social standing in Japan today, and what does that mean for greater Japanese society?
To explore these questions, this paper will first examine how the Zainichi identity was formed by delving into the historic background of Korean arrival in Japan, the social and legal discrimination against Zainichi Koreans pre- and post-World War II, and their subsequent isolation within Japanese society. It will then trace how both external factors and internal efforts led to greater acceptance of Zainichi Koreans by the Japanese people. Based on the data and the presented interviews, the paper will argue that the current Zainichi Koreans have created an independent Zainichi identity, not bound to a specific nation-state but situated within the mainstream Japanese society. It will then inquire into the opportunities and challenges the Zainichi Koreans present within a multicultural Japanese society.
The Japanese annexation of the Korean Empire in 1910 began a gradual influx of Koreans into Japan, where they were treated poorly. In the 1910s, most migrants were students who wished to “receive Japan’s modern education.” The labor shortage in the Japanese economy in the 1920s encouraged Koreans seeking better employment prospects to migrate to Japan, leading to a “rapid expansion of the ethnic Korean population in the main Japanese islands.” The majority of Korean workers became involved in “manual and menial work” such as construction work and mining, since most were “poorly educated and illiterate,” sharing jobs with social outcasts like Burakumin and Okinawans. Koreans usually received lower wages than the Japanese did and lived in “ghettoes because of poverty and discrimination.” Full-fledged discrimination induced the massacre of Koreans after the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. Japanese vigilantes murdered and raped innocent Koreans, swayed by rumours that Koreans were poisoning water wells, committing arson, and pillaging Japanese households, while the Japanese government turned a blind eye. Professor Sonia Ryang describes the extent of violence, comparing it to that suffered by African Americans under Jim Crow Laws:
Perhaps the worst moment for anyone to be a Korean in Japan came in 1923 in the aftermath of the Great Kanto Earthquake, when [a] pogrom-like hunt for Koreans spread across the scorched lands of Tokyo and its vicinity. Like the black bodies hanging from those southern trees, Korean bodies were on display without eyeballs, without nose, without breasts, their thighs and arms covered with lacerations and with very little skin surface intact.12
The beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 led to the enforced migration of Koreans. The Japanese government brought 700,000-800,000 Koreans to work in factories and mines and conscripted 200,000 Koreans into the Japanese military.13 The number of Koreans in Japan increased from 2,246 in 1910 to 300,000 in 1930 and 2 million in 1945.14
The Japanese defeat in World War II ended colonial rule but perpetuated the legal and social discrimination against Zainichi Koreans, forcing them to live impoverished lives. While most Koreans returned to Korea, “some 600,000 ethnic Koreans remained in Japan,” for they had achieved viable livelihoods, had married ethnic Japanese, or were “weary of the unrest and poverty in the Korean peninsula.”15 The Japanese government, however, considered Zainichi Koreans as foreigners. Theoretically speaking, the colonial hierarchy and postcolonial legacy transformed Zainichi Koreans into objects of “enmity and rejection” or of “hatred, denial of voting rights, and decline in social status.”16 They were stripped of their voting rights in 1945, relegated to alien status in 1947 through the Alien Registration Law, and were rendered stateless in 1952 after the Treaty of San Francisco.17 Moreover, Koreans were barred from employment in the public sector such as the railway and postal service, excluded from most social welfare services, and faced stronger discrimination from employment in the private sector.18 Zainichi Koreans were thus compelled to engage in “illegal or marginal economic activities such as illegal alcohol production, scrap recycling, and racketeering.”19 Under abject poverty with a low level of education and dismal living conditions, “deprived of their civil rights” and stable residential status, “Koreans hovered on the edges of Japanese society.”20
The competition between North and South Korea fractured the Zainichi community and complicated their identity. In the 1950s, Chongryon commanded the support of the majority of Zainichi Koreans by providing loans for ethnic Korean businesses and Korean language and culture education to Zainichi.21 Motivated by the desire to return to Korea and “the promise of paradise,” Chongryon launched a repatriation project, in which over 90,000 ethnic Koreans migrated to North Korea from 1959 to the 1970s.22 This was motivated by “perilous memories of a colonial past, as well as the abject living conditions and complete disenfranchisement from Japanese civic life.”23 This trend was disrupted in 1965 with the normalization of diplomatic relationship between South Korea and Japan, which allowed Zainichi Koreans to obtain South Korean citizenship and receive permanent resident status from Japan, whose advantages included “freedom to travel and access to Japanese medical and welfare benefits.”24 However, the South Korean government demanded that Zainichi who register as foreigners in Japan use the label of Kankoku (韓国), not Chosen (朝鮮).25 Coupled with the fact that North Korea proclaimed anyone with the citizenship of “Chosen” to be North Korean citizens, the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea changed the meaning of the term “Chosen,” which used to mean imagined but reunified Korean peninsula.26
At the same time, naturalization became considered taboo among Zainichi Koreans. The Japanese government advocated possessing Japanese citizenship to mean assuming Japanese ethnicity as well. Becoming Japanese further meant accepting the Japanese system of household registration (koseki), giving up the Korean system of lineage registry (jokbo), and adopting Japanese-sounding names.27 For Zainichi who suffered colonial and historical discrimination at the hands of Japanese, these conditions were unacceptable and tantamount to “national betrayal” or treason.28 This effectively set up a frameworkof “Chosen-seki (朝鮮籍)29 =North Korea,” “Kankoku-seki (韓国籍)30 =South Korea,” and “Nihon-seki (日本籍) =Traitor.” 31 The Zainichi became more isolated, shunning intermarriage between Koreans and Japanese people and resisting naturalization.32
Towards Greater Integration
Fed up with systemic discrimination, Zainichi Koreans began to organise themselves to resist it. The second or third generations of Zainichi Koreans especially were frustrated that in spite of having been born in Japan and grown up under Japanese culture, they still experienced discrimination, exclusion, and violence.33 Mobilisation began in 1970 with the Hitachi Case, in which Chong Sok Pak, a Zainichi Korean, sued Hitachi, one of Japan’s conglomerates. Pak had passed the company exam using his Japanese-sounding alias, but Hitachi withdrew its offer after discovering that Pak was Zainichi, openly stating that “We cannot hire a Korean.”34 A group of Zainichi Koreans and Japanese supported Pak and condemned Hitachi, which argued in court that Pak “had falsified his resume by using a ‘false name.’”35 After four years of trial, the Yokohama District Court ruled in favour of Pak:
The plaintiff wrote his alias in order to appear as if he were Japanese, but the motive that led to this fabrication deserves extraordinary sympathy on many points in light of the historical and social background of Koreans including the plaintiff as explained above, and in light of the reality that Koreans living in Japan are refused employment, particularly by big Japanese companies – except with special exceptions – for the sole reason that they are Korean.36
The court’s sympathetic attitude towards Zainichi Koreans opened the way for a Zainichi civil rights movement. In 1977, the Japanese court struck down a clause which dictated that only Japanese citizens could become lawyers. In the 1980s, Chongsok Han, a Zainichi Tokyo resident, began the anti-fingerprinting movement, contending that “forced fingerprinting during alien registration was a violation of human rights and dignity” and wishing to “create a society that recognizes Zainichis as equal members of Japanese society.”37 Zainichi Koreans refused to be fingerprinted despite threats of arrest, and more and more Japanese citizens began to recognize the discrimination Zainichi faced. Pressured by the Zainichi campaign, Japanese supporters, and the international community, the Japanese government eliminated the forced fingerprinting in 1993. The campaign to be recognised in public life continued in the 1990s with the inclusion of Zainichi in civil service positions and the expansion of local suffrage to Zainichi Koreans.38 The Zainichi civil rights movement not only established the Zainichi’s own identity but also can be considered as part of their effort to live convivially with the Japanese.39
This internal mobilised resistance to discrimination was accompanied by the support of external events. The Japanese ratification of the International Covenants for Human Rights and UN Refugee Convention in the early 1980s required that Japan provide permanent resident status to Zainichi Koreans without South Korean citizenship.40 They gained permanent residency in 1981 with the ability to easily acquire re-entry permits.41 In 1985, the Japanese citizenship law was amended so that children with Japanese mothers could also obtain Japanese citizenship; previously, only children with Japanese fathers were eligible for Japanese citizenship, per the 1950 law.42 This meant that half-Zainichi children with Japanese mothers could receive Japanese citizenship too. At the same time, Lie observes that the 1988 Seoul Olympics and 2002 World Cup positively changed the Japanese attitude about South Korea and that thus “occurred in tandem with the decline of ethnic discrimination.”43 The gradual decrease in the influence of ethnic discrimination and the increase in ethnic recognition through the Zainichi civil rights movement and favourable external events brought the Zainichi closer to the main Japanese cultural and social life.
Statistics shows that the Zainichi are becoming more assimilated into mainstream Japanese society. The number of Koreans living in Japan has decreased recently. In particular, the number of special residents, i.e. Zainichi Koreans, decreased from 471,756 in 2003 to 377,350 in 2012.44 This can be attributed to the increasing number of Zainichi choosing to naturalize as Japanese nationals – 10,000 per year – and increasing rate of marriages between Zainichis and Japanese.45 These trends are the opposite of phenomena observed until the 1960s with intermarriage shunned and naturalization viewed as taboo. They may also imply that Zainichi with Chosen-seki or Kankoku-seki citizenships will continue to decrease in number as time passes and become assimilated as Japanese citizens.46
What is causing such assimilation of the Zainichi as Japanese citizens? An emerging, independent Zainichi identity may be encouraging Zainichi’s faster integration into Japanese society. The first facet of this new Zainichi identity is the recognition of their Korean roots. Hyun-Sun Kim, a sociologist focusing on the lives of Korean immigrants, conducted interviews with six second and third generation Zainichi Koreans living in Osaka from 2007 to 2008. Kim reveals that many of them felt “burdened” or “guilty” by using their Japanese alias instead of their Korean name.47 Myeong-Sun Park (朴明順) testifies that she “did not like living as a Japanese person” hiding her Korean ethnic identity, even though she hid her Korean roots because of the discrimination she would be subject to, an action she attributes to her “lack of ethnic character.”48 Hae-Suk Bae (裵解淑) always questioned why she should continue using her Japanese alias even though she is Korean.49 While living as Zainichi is difficult, using their Korean name clarifies their identity and autonomously raises their self-esteem.50
The second facet of this emerging Zainichi identity is the co-existence of resistance (抵抗, teiko) against Japanese discrimination and symbiosis (共生, kyosei) between Zainichi Koreans and Japanese people. In a survey conducted in 2012 for 216 Zainichi Koreans living in the Kansai region in their 20s to 40s, 61% replied that Japan hurt Koreans the most throughout history, but 71% replied that “one should forgive but not forget” the painful history with Japan.51 This implies that while the younger generation of Zainichi Koreans are critical towards how Japan tried to eliminate Korean identity in the past, they are not willing to completely erase their Japanese identity. Moreover, Jong-Gon Kim, a proffessor at Konkuk University in Seoul who focueses on the identity of Zainichi Koreans, conducted interviews in 2014 with six young Zainichi Koreans living in Kansai region reveals that the majority of young Zainichi cannot accept hostility towards Japan and want to be part of Japanese society.52
The final aspect of the new Zainichi identity is the flexibility of nationality. This is in contrast to the past when the nationality one held determined one’s allegiance to a particular nation, as seen with the earlier rigid framework of “Chosen-seki vs. Kankoku-seki vs. Nihon-seki.” Jong-Gon Kim points out that many Zainichi Koreans do not speak the Korean language or know Korean culture well.53 Just because one’s passport is South Korean does not mean that they are considered Korean; the derogative term “banjjokbari” (쪽발이) alludes to the discrimination against Zainichi by Korean compatriots.54 But it is this discrimination and exclusion due to the difference between Zainichi Koreans and peninsular Koreans that make Zainichi Koreans realize that nationality cannot convey their identity, leading them to think that “defining one’s identity by one’s nationality is unfair.”55 Furthermore, for the newer generations of Zainichi Koreans, nationality is becoming more of a choice: one can thus choose nationality according to need and can also change it.56
Opportunities and Challenges
What does this evolution of new Zainichi identity mean for Zainichi Koreans and a burgeoning multicultural Japanese society? Lie presents a positive outlook by stating that more Japanese people seek “mutual recognition and reconciliation” under the banner of conviviality (kyosei), and that modern Zainichi Korean identity and multicultural society “suggest one possible outcome” of Zainichi’s century-long struggle.57 Moreover, the way Zainichi Koreans integrate into the mainstream Japanese society with pride in their Korean heritage may provide guidance for newer incoming minorities in Japan, such as the Nikkeijin, the Chinese, and South East Asian migrant workers, to cement the blooming multicultural Japanese society.
However, the claim that there is no longer discrimination against Zainichi Koreans in Japan seems untenable. Moon and Aoki qualify that the instability of employment and the precarity from dissolution of traditional families and communities are fuelling “historical revisionism” and are provoking increasing instances of hate speech against Koreans and Zainichi Koreans.58 Indeed, far-right groups like Zaitokukai (Association of Citizens against the Special Privileges of the Zainichi) frequently stage violent anti-Zainichi protests in Korean-majority neighbourhoods.59 In the aforementioned survey of Kansai Zainichi Koreans, 66% of them have had experiences with discrimination. In addition, the development of the new Zainichi identity brings about a rift between the older and younger Zainichi generations. For instance, in Toichi Nakata’s 1994 documentary Osaka Story, Nakata’s Zainichi father disowns Nakata’s sister for marrying a Japanese man because the father felt that “Koreans and Japanese are different.”60 How members of the older Zainichi generation can reconcile their past experiences with discrimination and the evolution of new Zainichi identity is yet to be seen. Thus, will the new Zainichi identity survive? Professor Sonia Ryang predicts:
Whether such a figure is able to retain his/her heritage with pride remains to be seen: the answer will hinge on the possibility of multicultural tolerance and acceptance on the part of Japanese society, resilience of Koreans in Japan, and taken together, possibility of coexistence of different peoples that were once unequivocally superior and inferior, the master and the subjugated.61
Zainichi Koreans have suffered systemic discrimination and violence since their first arrival a century ago. Until the 1960s, continued discrimination and exclusion from public life isolated the Zainichi community. Competition between North and South Korea complicated their identity and made the Zainichi more closed-off. However, the civil rights campaigns of the 1970s to 1990s and external events decreased instances of discrimination against Zainichi Koreans. Now, unlike in previous years, Zainichi are no longer bound by nationality, do recognise their Korean roots, and wish to succeed in the mainstream Japanese society. Whether this success can be sustained depends on multicultural tolerance of Japanese people and the perseverance of Zainichi Koreans, and for other minority groups in Japan, the impact of the Zainichi case remains to be seen.
Fukuoka, Yasunori. “Introduction: ‘Japanese’ and ‘Non-Japanese’.” In Lives of Young Koreans in Japan, 1-12. Melbourne, Australia: Trans Pacific Press, 2000.
“Jjok-bari.” (쪽발이) Standard Korean Language Dictionary. Accessed December 6, 2017. http://krdic.naver.com/detail.nhn?docid=36450500.
Kim, Hyun-Sun. “An Analysis of Nationality and Identity of Koreans in Japan.” (국적과 재일 코리안의 정체성) Economy and Society 83 (2009): 313-341.
Kim, Jong Gon. “A Third-Generation Koreans-in-Japan’s Identity and Value-Oriented.” (재일’ & ‘조선인’으로서의 정체성과 가치지향성) The Journal of the Humanities for Unification 59 (2014): 31-57.
Lie, John. “Zainichi: The Korean Disaspora in Japan.” Education about Asia 14, no. 2 (2009): 16-21.
Moon, Gyeong-Su and Yoshiyuki Aoki. “Zainichi: Three Homelands and Three Eras.” (자이니치, 3개의 조국 그리고 3개의 시대) Shilcheon Munhak, August 2015.
Moon, Rennie. “Koreans in Japan.” Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education. Accessed November 16, 2017. http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/koreans_in_japan.
Nakata, Toichi, dir. Osaka Story. 1994; Beaconsfield, UK: National Film and Television School, 1995. DVD.
Okunuki, Hifumi. “Forty Years after Zainichi Labor Case Victory, Is Japan Turning Back the Clock?” The Japan Times (Tokyo, Japan), Jan. 21, 2015. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2015/01/21/issues/forty-years-zainichi-labor-case-victory-japan-turning-back-clock/#.Wg2hFWjWw2x.
Ra, Gyeong-Su. “The Multiculturalism of Japan and Current State of Zainichi.” (일본의 다문화와 자이니치의 현재) Research Group for Global Korean Business and Culture 35 (2010): 75-85. Accessed November 16, 2017. http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Article/NODE02089848
Ryang, Sonia. “The Rise and Fall of Chongryun—From Chōsenjin to Zainichi and beyond.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 14, no. 15 (2016): 1-16.
Son, Seung-Cheol. “Kidnapped Koreans during Imjin War.” (임진왜란피로인, 壬辰倭亂捕虜人) Encyclopedia of Korean Culture. Last modified January 22, 2015. http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Index.
Thorp, Vivien Kim. “February Issue: I am Zainichi.” KoreAm, February 2012. http://kore.am/february-issue-i-am-zainichi/
Yi, Ji-Ho. “Examining the Identity of Counter-Protesters against Anti-Korean Movement in Japan.” (일본의 反혐한 시위대, 그들의 정체를 알아보니..) The Chosun Ilbo (Seoul, Korea), Oct. 7, 2013. http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2013/10/07/2013100701540.html?Dep0=twitter&d=2013100701540.
Hyuck Soo. “Struggles and Challenges of the Zainichi Korean/Chosen
Society: Focusing on the Relations between “Old” and “New” Comers.” (재일한국/조선인 사회의 갈등과 과제) Korean Journal of Japanese Studies 10 (2014): 308-329.
 John Lie, “Zainichi: The Korean Disaspora in Japan.” Education about Asia 14, no. 2 (2009): 18.
 Yasunori Fukuoka, “Introduction: ‘Japanese’ and ‘Non-Japanese’,” in Lives of Young Koreans in Japan, (Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 2000), 2.
 Seung-Cheol Son, “Kidnapped Koreans during Imjin War,” (임진왜란피로인, 壬辰倭亂捕虜人) Encyclopedia of Korean Culture, last modified January 22, 2015, http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Index. Son notes that Japanese and Korean scholars disagree on the number of Koreans Japanese military kidnapped, from 20,000 to 400,000.
 Ibid., 12.
5 Lie, “Zainichi,” 16. Lie explains that while the term Zainichi “can refer to non-Koreans,” it “has become synonymous with the ethnic Korean population in Japan.” This paper will use both Zainichi and Zainichi Koreans interchangeably throughout.
 Jong Gon Kim, “A Third-Generation Koreans-in-Japan’s Identity and Value-Oriented,” (재일’ & ‘조선인’으로서의 정체성과 가치지향성) The Journal of the Humanities for Unification 59 (2014): 53.
 Gyeong-Su Ra, “The Multiculturalism of Japan and Current State of Zainichi,” (일본의 다문화와 자이니치의 현재) Research Group for Global Korean Business and Culture 35 (2010): 75, accessed November 16, 2017. http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Article/NODE02089848.
 Lie, “Zainichi,” 21.
 These are the Korean characters for Masayoshi Son’s Korean name, Son Jeong-ui.
 Ra, “The Multiculturalism,” 77.
 Lie, “Zainichi,” 16.
 Rennie Moon, “Koreans in Japan,” Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education, accessed November 16, 2017, http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/koreans_in_japan; Fukuoka, “Introduction,” 1. Burakumin are the “descendants of people defined as outcastes during the feudal Middle Ages.” They worked as executioners, butchers, and tanners: occupations that were considered impure. Burakumin were thus ostracized from the mainstream society and lived in enclaves; Moon, “Koreans in Japan.”
12 Sonia Ryang, “The Rise and Fall of Chongryun—From Chōsenjin to Zainichi and beyond,” The Asia-Pacific Journal 14, no. 15 (2016): 1.
13 Moon, “Koreans in Japan.”
14 Ra, “The Multiculturalism,” 77.
15 Lie, “Zainichi,” 16.
16 JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 37.
17 Moon, “Koreans in Japan.”
18 Gyeong-Su Moon and Yoshiyuki Aoki. “Zainichi: Three Homelands and Three Eras,” (자이니치, 3개의 조국 그리고 3개의 시대) Shilcheon Munhak, August 2015, 329.
19 Moon, “Koreans in Japan.”
20 Ryang, “The Rise,” 7.
21 Lie, “Zainichi,” 16.
22 Ibid., 17; Ryang, “The Rise,” 7.
23 Ibid., 8.
24 Moon, “Koreans in Japan.”
25 JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 44.
27 Lie, “Zainichi,” 18.
29 Chosen-seki (朝鮮籍). The Japanese government assigns this nationality to Zainichi Koreans who have neither Japanese nor South Korean citizenship.
30 Kankoku-seki (韓国籍). This denotes South Korean citizenship.
31 Nihon-seki (日本籍). This denotes Japanese citizenship; JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 34.
32 Lie, “Zainichi,” 19.
33 JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 38.
34 Hifumi Okunuki, “Forty Years after Zainichi Labor Case Victory, Is Japan Turning Back the Clock?” The Japan Times (Tokyo, Japan), Jan. 21, 2015, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2015/01/21/issues/forty-years-zainichi-labor-case-victory-japan-turning-back-clock/#.Wg2hFWjWw2x.
35 Ra, “The Multiculturalism,” 80; Okunuki, “Forty Years.”
37 Ra, “The Multiculturalism,” 80. Prior to the 1990s, Japanese alien registration law required Zainichi Koreans to be fingerprinted during alien registration; Lie, “Zainichi,” 20
39 Ra, “The Multiculturalism,” 80.
40 Ryang, “The Rise,” 8.
42 Hyun-Sun Kim, “An Analysis of Nationality and Identity of Koreans in Japan,” (국적과 재일 코리안의 정체성) Economy and Society 83 (2009): 321.
43 Lie, “Zainichi,” 20.
44 H-S Kim, “An Analysis,” 320; Hyuck Soo Yoo, “Struggles and Challenges of the Zainichi Korean/Chosen Society: Focusing on the Relations between “Old” and “New” Comers,” (재일한국/조선인 사회의 갈등과 과제) Korean Journal of Japanese Studies 10 (2014): 312.
45 H-S Kim, “An Analysis,” 321-322.
47 Ibid., 329. It is difficult to estimate the proportion of Zainichi Koreans who opt to use Korean names. Using Korean names in public is still stigmatised, and it takes a lot of personal courage for individual Zainichi Koreans to ‘come out’ and start using their Korean names.
48 Ibid., 327.
49 Ibid., 328.
50 Ibid., 329.
51 JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 40.
52 Ibid., 41.
53 Ibid., 47.
54 “Jjok-bari,” (쪽발이) Standard Korean Language Dictionary, accessed December 6, 2017, http://krdic.naver.com/detail.nhn?docid=36450500. “Ban” means half (半) while “jjokbari” is the Korean derogatory term for Japanese people. “Jjokbari” roughly translates to ‘split feet,’ which refers to the fact that the Japanese people traditionally wore the geta, which are wooden sandals that separate the big toe from other toes, akin to modern day flip-flops; JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 47.
55 Ibid., 48.
56 H-S Kim, “An Analysis,” 338; JG Kim, “A Third Generation,” 49.
57 Lie, “Zainichi,” 21.
58 Moon and Aoki, “Zainichi: Three,” 336.
59 Ji-Ho Yi, “Examining the Identity of Counter-Protesters against Anti-Korean Movement in Japan,” (일본의 反혐한 시위대, 그들의 정체를 알아보니..) The Chosun Ilbo (Seoul, Korea), Oct. 7, 2013. http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2013/10/07/2013100701540.html?Dep0=twitter&d=2013100701540.
60 Osaka Story, directed by Toichi Nakata (1994; Beaconsfield, UK: National Film and Television School, 1995), DVD.
61 Ryang, “The Rise,” 14.