Abstract
When Nigeria gained its independence in 1960, many wondered what the long-lasting implications of colonization would be. There have been several decolonialist and postcolonialism theories about how the effects are physical, psychological, and sociocultural. This paper will compare and apply some of these theories to responses from 5 Nigerian youths (recorded through interviews). Through the analysis, the effects and impacts of colonization on how Nigerian youths in the 21st century view their language and culture are assessed, and the following is concluded: Colonization has made Nigerian youths desire to cling to their language and culture as it is so integral to their identity.
Introduction
Identity is not simply a concept but a series of questions. How does one define their identity? Can one define their identity? Or do we merely have to look at the characteristics, the pieces given or earned, and solve the puzzle ourselves? An easy piece would be nationality, and the culture found within it. From culture comes norms, values, languages, and other means of expression. Nigeria is a culturally rich land, brimming with hundreds of ethnicities and tribes. The British formed the nation referred to as Nigeria, so what effect does that have today?
The British colonization of Nigeria had several effects. Many argue that it kickstarted the economy or established Nigeria as an influential African nation. I contend that the colonization of Nigeria coincides with an overall diminished view and utilization of Nigerian culture and languages, but the importance of the culture as a part of one’s identity. First, this paper will briefly explain the history of Nigeria, then reference some important decolonial and post-colonial theories, and finally link them to the interviews of 5 Nigerian youths. In this paper, the youth will be examined to assess the extent to which Western opinions on certain indigenous cultures have been internalized.
Introduction to Nigerian History
What had formerly been a collection of empires selling their people to British and European slave traders would have fallen under British colonial rule by the mid-19th century. In 1885, the Berlin Conference marked the distribution of Africa to colonial powers Great Britain, France, Germany, Portugal, and even Belgium. 6 years later, Lagos was an official British colony. This would kickstart the commercialization of Nigeria, as Lagos would become one of Africa’s most important ports.
Mindsets and Agenda
The mindset that the British had when claiming Nigeria as a colony was to introduce ‘civilization’ to a land without it. As Nigeria had been an integral source for the slave trade, and the British were rapidly shifting to anti-slavery outreaches, it was an ideal area for the British to expand in. Their ‘civilization’ included bringing Christianity to the land, and Christian missionaries headed this project. It is important to remember that these missionaries were restricted to Southern Nigeria, meaning that the religion could spread there. Northern Nigeria was still very much Muslim, and these disparate sides being eventually pushed together would proceed to cause tensions and conflicts.
‘Civilization’ also included a transformation of the economic system. The British aimed to expand commerce. They began by setting up an import and export system: exporting raw materials (Nigeria was especially rich in these) and importing finished goods. This required some sort of infrastructure, and the British built roads, railways, ports, etc. They introduced a material/ cash currency that matched that of the UK. The final step of their economic domination was conditional on Nigerians working for the currency. Toyin Falola describes it as an economic policy that “resulted in the growing dependence of Nigerians on an export economy dominated by European firms with which Indigenous Nigerian enterprise could not compete and which conducted business primarily with a view towards European profitability at the expense of Nigerian producers.” Everything was for their gain, as one can assume. As the British remained in control of two of the most important aspects of a nation’s identity – religion and economy – it is not difficult to see how they remained in a position of superiority.
In the context of this paper, the most fundamental part of colonization and civilization was the implementation of language. In schools, the government, the church, and commerce, English was enforced. It became the language of the nation, and in turn, the language of prestige, and a signal of education and wealth.
Independence
The colonization of Nigeria benefitted very few, namely, and predominantly, the British. The realization of this exploitation sparked the formation of nationalist movements. Yet, to be nationalist, there had to be one nation, and Nigeria was still as divided as they come. Different ethnic groups were forced together, given a name, and suddenly expected to have similar goals, values, norms, and beliefs. There was no emblem of a national identity. Western-educated Nigerians began to comprehend the British rule as “arbitrary and illegitimate” and banded together to form what would be known as the first Nigerian nationalists. The World Wars would rekindle education, and more and more Nigerians would become literate.
Driven by movements like the Nigerian National Democratic Party, National Independence Movement, Aba’s Women Revolt, and with frontrunners and leaders such as Herbert Macaulay, Obafemi Awolowo, and Nnamdi Azikiwe (who would become the first Nigerian president), Nigeria achieved independence in 1960. There were still many problems that would eventually turn into political crises, such as the ethnic conflicts in the region and the dominant hand that Great Britain would still play in the economy, but as for now, Nigerians were ‘free’. The potential for Nigeria was immense, but the results, lacking.
The Aftermath of Colonization: A Theoretical Overview
To fully analyze the extent to which colonization has been internalized through language and culture, we must first explore the different post-colonialist theories of scholars, especially in the context of the question. We need to be able to interpret the discourse to apply it. These theories will help us draw the line between the responses and colonization, as they might not be as explicit. Many of the works are written through the lens of Africans or people of non-Western countries with a Western education. This is intentional, so it can be applied to the Nigerian youth – who are Africans, all of them with some form of Western Education. Western Education increases the potential for internalization: of values, narratives, and norms, so it would be important to see how different facets of life bleed into their identity.
The West and The Rest: Discourse and Power, Stuart Hall
In his book, Hall differentiates the terms ‘West’ and ‘Rest’. Hall posits that the West is not simply a geographical area but a concept – a method to explain differences in advancement or a manner of classification. There is a connotation that, with Western nations or Western things, comes progress, development, and modernity. Hall explains that if it is not of the ‘West’, it is the ‘Rest’. Therefore, the terms associated with the Rest will be the antithesis of those associated with the ‘West’, i.e., underdevelopment or undesirability. With these seemingly harmless, ostensibly geographical terms, a bias is implicitly crafted. Hall insists that this division between the West and the Rest plays a vital part in today’s social and political hierarchies.
Western discourse is often more accessible, and within this, there is a constant reaffirmation of inferiority for the ‘Rest’ category; these power dynamics are continuously strengthened through actions and statements. When Nigerian youth see their nations under the ‘Rest’ umbrella, there will be certain concepts they immediately associate with the nation. Seeing the ‘Rest’ as undesirable and disfavored will explain why some will distance themselves from ideas of the land, including its languages and culture.
Orientalism, Edward Said
In his 1978 book Orientalism, Edward Said argued that many colonial states colonized with the mindset and belief that they were inherently and innately superior. England believes they are superior, France believes they are superior, Spain believes they are superior, Portugal believes they are superior, Germany believes they are superior: therefore, it is their job – their responsibility – to ‘help’ these supposedly inferior nations. This inferiority is, of course, exaggerated, outdated, and stretched to fit certain agendas. By agendas, I am referring to the desire to be seen as superior, more knowledgeable, and more civilized.
Said elaborates by establishing the link between knowledge and power. In simple terms, he explains that those with knowledge have power. Those with power have access to knowledge and the ability to create knowledge, so the cycle continues. The nations and states that had power created knowledge about the places they colonized. The truth was irrelevant. Broken stereotypes were extrinsic. They produced the knowledge through the perspective that, ultimately, colonization was bringing hope, commerce, and most importantly, civilization to lands without them.
It is important to keep this in mind when analyzing the responses of the Nigerian youths. The knowledge we are often fed about formerly colonized states (in the past and now) is often a fabrication, exaggeration, or assumption. However, when this knowledge is highly regarded and publicized, it is not at all shocking when this is internalized.
Black Skin, White Masks, Frantz Fanon
Fanon’s book, Chapter 1 specifically, introduces us to the depth of internalization of colonial language that occurs in the peoples of formerly colonized nations. Through the lens of the “Negro of the Antilles,” Fanon explains the change in personality and mindset that one undergoes after an interaction with the ‘mother country’. Particularly, he says, “The Negro who knows the mother country is a demigod.” Simply put, those with exposure, interaction, and connections to the French(or whatever motherland) have access, power, influence, and positioning for more.
This will lend a key hand in how people view their cultures. Today, the motherland can be interpreted through nations that are in positions of power. Anything of these nations is typically given more value; the farther one gets from these nations, the less value is given to one’s culture. Depending on how people view their cultures, whether similarly to or drastically different from those deemed more valuable, their perception of their own will change.
The Colonizer and the Colonized, Albert Memmi
Part 2: Portrait of the Colonized – the section titled, Mythical Portrait of the Colonized – of Memmi’s book aims to express the rhetorical picture that has been painted of the colonized. The colonizer will put the colonized into brackets of “destitution” and “indolence”; even and especially when these traits are historically proven to be inaccurate, the colonizer will speak with conviction that the image they hold is the right one. The image is usually non-sensical and more times than not, contradictory, but this is irrelevant.
Memmi also stresses the intention behind the grammar used by the colonizer in texts, letters, and travel documents. The wording of the colonizer is meant to dehumanize the colonized and justify the colonizer’s actions. This is why the colonizer will speak in the plural, as in ‘they do…’ or “they are this…” This not only casts vast generalizations over the colonized, but Memmi explains that it also removes any element of individualization. Individualization means individuals, humans – people. The whole point is to discard the idea of sensing any form of humanity in the colonized.
Behind this lies the sociological concept of self-fulfilling prophecies. As certain identities are imposed on us, predominantly by those wielding more power, we begin to believe them and, consequently, begin to act in ways that reinforce these identities. Therefore, if the colonizer says that the colonized are “lazy,” display “wretchedness,” and “useless” and imposes this on them, they will indeed start to believe so and act accordingly. Therefore, outsiders frequently perceive cultures through a colonial perspective, causing colonized cultures to internalize this image and adapt their behavior accordingly. This can lead to a distortion in how cultures are truly understood by others and result in subtle cultural adjustments to align with these perceptions.
Decolonizing the mind, Ngũgĩ wa Thiongʼo
Ngũgĩ wa Thiongʼo describes the way colonial powers degraded African languages and cultures. Colonization was not merely physical and economic but also psychological and mental. Language was, is, and will always be an integral part of societies and how they interact internally and externally. Colonizers did not simply integrate European languages into African societies. They placed them in areas of high prestige and significance, i.e., the education system and the government. This way, European languages were in closer proximity to power. Thiongo’o explains how students were punished for not speaking English in school. This is worsened when this prestige extends from language to ethnicity and culture. For example, certain alms of the government disallowed native Kenyan people from participating, even if their level of English was proficient, displaying how not only certain languages were privileged over others but also how ethnic groups were differentiated.
Language and culture are essentially inseparable. The attempts by colonizer countries to undermine indigenous languages in Africa by imposing their language and institutionalizing them through means such as education, government, and the arts were largely successful. The proof of this lies in the fact that there are 54 African countries, of which 47 have official languages of English, French, or Portuguese.
Thiongʼo said, “It is the final triumph of a system of domination when the dominated start singing its virtues.” When the people of a land start to value another’s language and culture more than theirs, the colonizer has succeeded. Exploring the views and perceptions of Nigerian youths will allow us to understand the depth of this success.
Racial identity and language: exploring the Afro-Brazilian experience through the lens of DuBois’ double consciousness theory – Asha Layne, Erin Miles
W.E.B Dubois’ double consciousness theory explains the dichotomy of the identity of the African-American: where they have a self they present in white-dominated societies and another with their own. Additionally, they tended to perceive themselves through the white gaze, so they would have one self-image when among African-Americans and a different self-image when
among white Americans. There is often a conflict or battle between the two as they attempt to navigate which side of them is truly them. Although this paper is applied in the context of Afro-Brazilians, we can apply it to the broader context of Africans, specifically Nigerians. The persona that appears in white-dominated societies involves the formation of colonial identities. English in Nigeria, especially when more American or British accented, is associated with prestige, a higher economic class and is generally considered more advantageous. At the same time, many Nigerian youths seem to be proud of their heritage. There seems to be an internal competition between the pressure to conform to Western norms and expectations and the desire to stay true and connected to their roots.
Self-Defeating Prophecies: When Sociology Really Matters, Lorenzo Sabetta
Albert Memmi’s Mythical Portrait of the Colonized is enforced by the sociological concept of self-fulfilling prophecies. Lorenzo Sabetta counters this with self-defeating prophecies. To comprehend the idea of self-defeating prophecies, we must understand that of the self-fulfilling prophecy, a theory and name drafted by Robert Merton. Essentially, Merton defines the phenomenon as “a false definition of the situation evoking a behavior which makes the originally false conception come true,” meaning that when a certain image, narrative, or definition is pushed, it will most likely be the outcome of an event. When one believes in something, they will tend to perform in ways that make said belief come true. This prophecy reveals itself in several settings, from relationships to education (See the Pygmalion Effect experiment, Jenkins and Deno). Sabbata chooses to write about the opposite effect: a self-defeating behavior as a result of the self-fulfilling prophecy. A self-defeating behavior is defined as a situation eventually becoming false due to the behaviors as a result of its acceptance. He highlights the general undesirability of self-defeating prophecies in the social sciences but how they should be considered to have generally desirable outcomes.
Self-fulfilling prophecies at their core, Sabbeta says, are driven by fear, hope, and misconception. He claims that self-defeating behaviors take not only determination but voluntariness and awareness to undo the power that self-fulfilling prophecies tend to have. Once an ‘actor’, a person in a situation that has been predicted to have certain results/outcomes, realizes and is aware of the analysis or prediction, that is when they have the power to falsify the prophecy.
Once Africans, Nigerians specifically, or any other ostracized group of people, are aware of the stereotypes, narratives, and images painted of them, that is when they have the power to act in ways that falsify the forecast and, in many ways, undo it. As we will soon see through the interviews, Nigerians have countered stereotypes by upholding opposing values and passing them down through generations. In many ways, these values have become intertwined and representative of Nigerian culture.
Interviewing Nigerian Youths
The decision to interview Nigerian youths was a conscious one. The task at hand is to assess how internalized colonization has become. The true test of internalization is to see how it has been passed down through generations; have certain biases, narratives, and beliefs been inherited? Additionally, many of the works published about the internalization of colonization are often by scholars: the majority are older than 25. These interviews attempt to give a platform to those who do not usually have the opportunity to speak about topics like these in a professional setting.
All 5 Nigerian youths intentionally chosen have been educated in Western countries and/or Western-curriculum schools. I myself would find myself a part of this group if I was not the one to conduct the study. Therefore, they are embedded into a part of the system that has previously dominated Nigerian society and culture.
In this sample, there are 5 Nigerians between the ages of 13 and 25: 3 female, 2 male. The females are Temi Soboyejo, 22; Anjola Mogaji, 17; and Somkenechukwu Ebinum, 13. The males are Ayokunle Yoade, 15; and Ayoola Lanipekun, 18. These ages are based on the times when these interviews were conducted. While this sample is not representative of the overall Nigerian youth population, particular assumptions can be made or denied. The questions asked are as follows:
- To what extent do you use English at home? To what extent do you use Yoruba/ Hausa/ Igbo/other indigenous languages?
- If you’re expressing any emotions verbally, what language would you use?
- What language do you view media (movies, TV shows, videos) in?
- How would you feel if this media was subtitled/dubbed to Yoruba/ Hausa/ Igbo/other indigenous languages?
- How comfortable do you feel when speaking an indigenous language? – How comfortable do you feel when speaking English?
- What images do you think non-Nigerians hold of Nigerians?
- What values do you associate with Nigeria and being Nigerian?
- What do you think it means to be Nigerian? Are you proud to be Nigerian?
In the nature of any interview, questions may be asked allowing participants to further elaborate, but these acted as the central framework.
The interviews revealed much, but I was able to identify 3 common themes. The first was the struggle with identity and specifically choosing what part of oneself to display. The second was the constant battle against Nigerian stereotypes and stereotypes that are typically applied to Black or African people in general. The final is the growing fear that eventually, the very thing that makes one Nigerian would be lost, and with that, a piece of them is lost as well.
Navigating Identity: Choosing which part to reveal
The difficulty in answering the question ‘Who am I?’ lies in the idea of an ever-changing self. An ode to the Ship of Theseus, parts of us are constantly changing and evolving, leaving us wondering who we truly are. Are we a makeup of our hobbies? Or perhaps, who we are is found in our family and friends? Could it simply be genetics: where we are from? This question is one
people spend their whole lives trying to figure out. In the case of our interviewees, the struggle to decipher who you are is worsened when there is a tendency to present two different personas. The double consciousness theory, coined by W.E. DuBois, has taken full effect.
The first place the two-persona-identity seems to cause a problem is through accents. Accents, according to the Cambridge Dictionary, are defined as the way in which people in a particular area, country, or social group pronounce words. Anjola Mogaji claimed, “When you’re around your people, you talk how you normally talk.” Temi Soboyejo explained this with the statement, “There’s just a certain level of comfort with your people.” Normal and comfort refer to an established familiarity. These statements will imply that there is an alternative, that the said level of comfort is non-existent, or that you don’t talk normally with other people. The ‘normal talk,’ in this case, is a Nigerian accent. Usually accompanied by Nigerian Pidgin – an English-based creole language that is widely spoken throughout Nigeria – the Nigerian accent is distinguishable from Western English accents, such as American or British. For fear of sticking out, the interviewees adopted an American/Canadian or British accent. A switch occurs with a different audience. For some, the switch is more drastic with two separate accents, for others, only a slight change.
Regardless, all of the interviewees have identified different manners of English when they are with different people, from accents to terminologies and codes. There is nothing wrong with this; the problem arises when they are scared of a “slip-up.” To the interviewees who spent more time in Nigeria, the other accent can seem unnatural at times, one that, as Mogaji described it, “doesn’t quite roll off the tongue.” While many seemed to have accepted this, some have expressed a fear of exposing the fact that they don’t speak the same “English as everyone else.” Integrated into Western societies, there might be a tendency to prove that you’re similar to avoid unwanted and oftentimes negative attention. The idea that there might be something different from the norm often seems to attract this, and disguising the “normal talk” that one utilizes around “their people” has been a tactic to bypass the notoriety.
Another significant problem with the two-persona-identity presents is a cultural clash. Interviewees identified distinct values that they associate with Nigerians. All 5 emphasized respect and hard work – Mogaji saying, “We’re big on respect in Nigerian culture” – but most stressed the differences they tend to see in the values. Mogaji reasoned that living in the US showed her that what she defined as common sense “really isn’t common.” Ayokunle Yoade explained that looking at the people around him reinforces how different his values are, saying that what might be normal to an American “doesn’t look normal” to him. There is a very obvious disparity between the values presented in Western societies and Nigerian ones. Now, none of the interviewees elaborated on the values they find more prevalent in Western societies, except for maybe the lack of respect, but they did identify a difference, moreover, a clash. Ayo Lanipekun expresses that the cultural aspects gained from his family “occasionally clash.” This cultural clash implies that these youths must choose what values to present at a given moment. In addition to a clash, an established level of relatability is seen in displays of cultures. Somie Ebinum stresses that when watching American TV shows, she “can’t really relate to it” because it seems “weird.” Yet, when presented with TV shows that depict other Nigerian girls and their families, she feels “a lot more” acquainted with that. When terms such as “isn’t common,” “doesn’t look normal,” “clash,” and “can’t relate” arise in the responses of these youths, one has to wonder if there is any comfort at all in adopting Western values. Do they want to? Are they forced to, in order to fit in? As most expressed that the values are disparate, it seems as if it would have to be a choice between one or the other; a synthesis has the potential to result in an internal conflict. The question of identity extends deeper into ‘What culture should I represent?’ and even a bit more blunt to say, ‘What culture do I represent?’.
The final problem with the two-persona identity shown by the interviewees’ responses is the struggle with a label. A label is defined as a word or phrase that is used to describe the characteristics or qualities of people, activities, or things. In this case, the characteristic or quality would be nationality. An incredibly important part of one’s identity is the place where one feels one belongs, a nationality, and this belonging can either be attributed to origin or familiarity. When there are two personas, defined by different nations, the line of priority blurs. Lanipekun voiced his internal conflict on this, saying that while his parents are British citizens, they consider themselves to be “Nigerian-British”; “Nigerian comes first.” His parents seem to protect this particular part of their identity, drawing the lines in the sand and clearly establishing the nation they feel represents them more as the more important one, in the context of their identity. Lanipekun, on the other hand, claims that he hasn’t “fully figured it out yet.” The question of “Where are you from?”, seemingly simplistic, requires a reflection of self – a decision on a nation, and consequentially, its history, values, beliefs, and culture.
W.E.B. DuBois’s theory seems to perpetuate identity regarding speech, value system, and belonging. Fanon reinforces this perspective in Black Skin, White Masks. He writes about the notion that individuals of Black descent often find themselves compelled to embrace the cultural norms and values of the prevailing white society. This can often result in a diminishing connection to their cultural identity and detachment from their historical heritage and traditions. Fanon asserts that this is due to colonization, deeming that the “self-division is a direct result of colonialist subjugation is beyond question.” We see that our interviewees are more and more inclined to adopt value systems, accents, and labels. While an interviewee claimed that they don’t “see the need to play a character,” these characters are mostly interchanged inconspicuously, so this is easier said than done.
Confronting the Stereotypes
The stereotype is an old abstract. Derived from the Greek words, stereos meaning firm/solid/set, and typos meaning impression, a stereotype is defined as a set idea about what a particular type of person is like. These set ideas originate from pictures and narratives painted about an experience or a group of people. For these pictures and narratives to catch fire, the painter must be in a position of power that dominates those being painted. Albert Memmi says, “The existence of a colonizer requires that an image of the colonized be suggested.” To justify the domination, there must be a ‘truth’ that indicates some type of inferiority. Memmi refers to the image that colonizers painted of the colonized as lazy. Our interviewees have indicated some evolution in these portraits.
The overall theme that persists through all the stereotypes that the youths identified is that Africans, Nigerians specifically, are not as developed. It could be a lack of evolutionary development, where people believe that Nigerians “live in trees” or “use spears to fight tigers.” It could be a lack of emotional development where Nigerians (and black people in general) are “angry and aggressive.” It could even be a lack of social development in which Nigerians are “stingy” and “think they run the world.” These stereotypes are vague, untrue, and have been applied to a large group of people. Memmi poses the question, “Can one accuse an entire people…”. It seems absurd to believe so, but these stereotypes have been so perpetuated, so internalized, that many find it difficult to believe otherwise.
As these stereotypes are so widely believed, many try to distance themselves from Africans and Nigerians, as well as the ideas that are associated with them. Mogaji expresses how many Black Americans she has interacted with, separate slavery from Africa, never wanting to associate themselves with any “African roots.” An attempt to separate from Africa has also been revealed in Mogaji, saying that when she first arrived in America, she would say she was “from Atlanta” or “Jamaican” because there was the notion that “being African was something you were going to be made fun of.” A widespread avoidance of African/Nigerian concepts has endured – even by those whose genetics can be traced back to the very continent – because, in turn, you were distancing yourself from the shame and negative connotations tied to them.
To what extent has this avoidance been internalized? Although one interviewee admitted to previously hiding that Nigerian part of them, the others reflected on how the opposite of the narratives seems to be the true trend. They described Nigerians as “generally successful,” “very hardworking,” “strong-willed,” and the most stressed of all of them, “respectful.” Lanipekun brought up the idea of the Brain Drain. Based on the Merriam-Webster dictionary, Brain Drain is the departure of educated or professional people from one country, economic sector, or field for another, usually for better pay or living conditions. While this concept is mostly unrelated as it is relevant mostly in the healthcare field, he addresses the success that tends to follow Nigerian immigrants. Lanipekun sees this migration as a “screening process,” believing that most Nigerians in other countries are “genuinely quite skilled and talented.”
We begin to see the presence of self-defeating prophecies. To prove the preexisting narratives of Nigerians wrong, many Nigerians will act positively in defiance of them. It appears as if the permanence of Nigeria being under the ‘Rest’ umbrella, as Hall alluded to in the West and Rest discourse, has inspired Nigerians to try to prove their way out of it. On an individual level, there is frustration in being lumped into a pile of undesirability and inferiority. Whilst trying to get a better life than the one Nigeria currently offers, most Nigerians prove themselves in Western societies. They counter many of the narratives, biases, and stereotypes that usually follow them. To what point has colonization been internalized? To the point where Nigerian youths and people are disputing and contradicting them.
The youths identify values such as respect, hard work, and success to be integral to Nigerian culture. As this seems to counter many narratives told, one has to question the validity of the portraits that have been painted about the ‘Rest’. Memmi has written on the blatant contradiction of these portraits painted by the colonizer and, sadly, the tendency for certain groups to accept them. Fortifying the sentiment of self-fulfilling prophecies, Memmi says, “the colonized is forced to accept being colonized.” The reality of the situation is that stereotypes will always exist. It is a natural psychological phenomenon. Unfortunately, most stereotypes are negative and are swiftly followed up by acts of discrimination, hate, and ostracization. Attacking cultures, languages, and descents is extremely common, so how do people combat this? Yoade remarks he doesn’t “shut up” when presented with a false stereotype – he refuses to let the stereotype spread and get worse. Soboyejo declares, “Stereotypes will exist, regardless of what I think. It just depends on whether or not I let them control the way I act. I’m going to be who I am and act how I do, despite the stereotypes other people might have for me.”
Fearing the Erosion of The Nigerian Identity
When asked to define what it meant to be Nigerian, a long pause was consistent in all 5 interviews. They must have had inquiries. How does one answer a purposely vague question, one with answers both mechanic and philosophical? Then came the answers, to be Nigerian was to uphold the heritage “and have had somebody teach the culture to you.” The connection to the culture was accentuated; 13-year-old Ebinum claimed that it was “keeping in touch with the food, the clothes, the mentality, the morals”: values were once again mentioned to be the core of a Nigerian. Regardless of the eloquence of their answers and regardless of their definitions, one thing was clear. They were proud to be Nigerian. While I cannot deny or doubt this pride, the act of being proud of a part of oneself is far more complex than it seems. Pride can be expressed in different ways and dampened by certain actions. The change of accents or code may be interpreted as a way to reduce that Nigerian part of them – even if that is not what they intend to depict. When we consider pride for something or someone, do we consider moments where that notion is unconsciously denied? Or do we view pride as an emotion that may temporarily, but not permanently, wane? Nonetheless, when the conversation drifted to pride for the nation, the replies were as follows.
“Very proud. It’s just kind of upsetting, seeing other Nigerians not want to keep their heritage and not being proud of where they come from. That’s why I want to be proud and stand my ground, saying, ‘Yes, I am Nigerian.’”
“Being Nigerian comes with so many levels that I love. I wouldn’t want to be anything else.”
“When people ask where I’m from, I’m proud to tell them, ‘I’m Nigerian.’ I don’t like to hide it.”
“I love telling people I’m Nigerian. I am so proud of that part of me.” This, in particular, is quite interesting, as it was the same Mogaji who hid this part of her when she was younger and newer to Western society. To these youths, the very act of being Nigerian is essential to their identity. Because nationalities tend to be such a relatively easy element to add to our identities, it is so much more common to see people clinging to these. With this attachment to a nation comes the fear that the thing that aligns them with Nigeria will eventually fade away.
Kenyan scholar and writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o described language as a “carrier of the culture.” He especially stressed the concept of language, explaining how when the British came to Kenya, they dismantled the prevailing lingual system and put English at the top. The same thing happened in Nigeria. Positions of power were granted primarily to the English and, secondly, to people who spoke English. In government and education, these profiles of prestige and influence were regarded strictly for English speakers and the English people. On the lingual hierarchy, indigenous languages such as Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, etc., were slid into lower rungs of the ladder. These languages began to be viewed as ultimately useless as they could not provide money, prestige, or social mobility. They did remain as the vernacular, but as the official languages in Africa display, their global identity became rooted in English; Nigeria is an Anglophone nation.
All 5 Nigerian youths said they speak English more than any indigenous language. The sentiment they echoed was how they would like to learn more of their indigenous language. To stay connected to their culture, many of them are spiteful that they didn’t try harder. With statements such as “Yoruba is so close to home,” they reflect on the connection between the culture and the language. Many of them displayed how they feel as if they carry on less of the culture and the fear that accompanies this. Ebinum notes that she is “terrified” of losing the little Igbo language she knows. She alludes that if she loses this, she “fades into almost everybody else.” Note the individuality found in speaking a language not widely broadcasted outside of West Africa. It separates her from the people around her.
Soboyejo thinks ahead. As an African girl growing up in a community where she was the “only black girl till ninth grade,” she admits to struggling to speak Yoruba, as there was no one to make her “feel comfortable speaking it.” Now, she wishes she had found this comfort as she worries about the future generation. She says, “I worry that my future kids, or even my brother’s kids, won’t really have that aspect of them the way we did.” We start to see a long-term approach to losing language. Does the lack of being able to carry over the language reinforce a lack of ability to carry the culture? Does this mean she has failed her duty of being a Nigerian?
Parents are an important part of the thought of carrying a language to carry the culture. Some of the interviewees wished their parents had pushed them more to learn the language. Some view their parents as their link back to their motherland/ place of origin. Yoade is one of these, saying, “With my parents, it seems like, no matter where we are, they’re always still the same. Whenever I come home, I always get reminded that I’m Nigerian.”
Nationality is a part of identity that is easy to identify. Nonetheless, the 5 interviewees reveal there’s more to simply carrying the label ‘Nigerian’. To fully be Nigerian, you need to carry the culture. The fear of losing something one has, whether inherent, earned, or given, is an experience many, if not all, are familiar with. When this loss can lead to a missing piece in the grand scheme of identity, the fear can be crippling.
Looking Within
For several years, Asians, Middle Easterners, Latin Americans, Pacific Islanders, and Africans have been written as objects of knowledge – those that are written about, as opposed to written for. Since the colonial nations have put themselves into certain levels of superiority, those of colonized nations have automatically been seen as inferior and, in many cases, have started to believe so. For several years, scholars of colonized nations writing about their culture, class, or country have been seen as inferior. For an object of knowledge to write about themselves or a group they belong to is a clear conflict of interest. They cannot write objectively. They are subject to bias. They are crafting wrong narratives or wrong ideas, possibly a wrong history. I am an object of knowledge writing about a group I belong to.
To write this paper, as a female Nigerian youth, is to subject myself to the critique that there are certain biases I hold. To interview Nigerian youths is to subject them to the same. For how long has the status quo remained like this? The cycle of knowledge and power dominated by the colonizer, to justify the acts of the colonizer, remains. In a society that more readily accepts older scholars, scholars closer to Western curricula and societies, and often white male scholars, this paper aims to create a space for voices without platforms to be heard. How often does one usually refer to the opinion of Nigerian youth to explain the effects of colonization on their language and their culture in the 21st century?
I will not say that with this paper, I give a voice to the voiceless. This term holds an outdated concept, one that infers there are people without a voice. All people have voices, some simply are not heard. Some lack the resources, the platform, and the audience to reveal their voices. While this paper does not magically rectify that situation, it does lay a brick in the bridge.
The process of interviewing these 5 Nigerian youths unlocked a great amount of introspection. Many of my responses matched what the 5 said. There tend to be 2 parts of me, changing with the racial group I find myself surrounded in, that occasionally clash culturally. There are stereotypes, narratives, and beliefs thrown at me that I combat with the values and norms that have been ingrained into me from birth. There is a rapid loss of language that I am grasping at straws to hinder, to not disconnect myself from my roots. There is an inherent fear, one that grows the more I distance myself from the place I was born, that I will lose the very thing that makes me Nigerian. I will always be Nigerian, that much is true: from my heritage to my name. But will I always carry the culture? Will I always carry the language? This is something one must strive to do, to protect origins. After all, a story is not complete without a beginning – in fact, it cannot exist. Similarly, an identity is not complete without an origin – truth be told, it cannot exist.
Conclusion
The question at hand is, to what extent has colonization impacted the way Nigerian youths view their culture and indigenous language? In many ways, this question has not one answer. Because a psychological impact is unquantifiable, we must assess the different sides of one’s identity that were formed as a result of colonization. The first of these would be the act of being Nigerian itself. As established from the history of Nigeria, Nigeria did not always exist. There was no Nigerian identity. The mere homogenization of thousands of tribes, languages, and dialects into a singular nation is a result of colonization. Colonization impacted the way Nigeran youths view their indigenous language and culture because now they recognize Nigeria as one. This recognition has been a ‘truth’ for 63 years. While one can be Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Edo, Fulani, or a member of any other tribe, they are Nigerian first. There is the notion that ‘we have been subjected to the same thing’/‘we know each other’s struggle’, and this informs how people fight back.
The values associated with Nigerian culture are another result of colonization. Once independence was gained, an effort was made to establish Nigeria as an African superpower. This paper is not written with the intent to gauge the success of said effort. But the efforts are what crafted the values upheld today. To demonstrate how Nigeria could stand on its own, they had to display hard work. To stay in good books with the British (as there was still some economic reliance) but also build a national identity that encouraged community, they had to display overall respect. Success was important for Nigeria coming out of colonization, and this has filtered down to the current generations who try to set themselves up for a good life, many of them finding this in their ventures outside of Nigeria. The refusal to return to how we were once viewed as captured and ruled-over people is the reason why stereotypes and narratives are fought against with these values.
This refusal to lose the values, in a way, reinforces the fear of losing the language. As they – culture and language – are inseparable, does losing the language mean losing the culture? Does this mean that their ancestors fought in vain to gain that national identity? Identity is a quest that the human race is constantly on. The questions, who am I, and what am I here to do, are sentiments that will linger until dying breaths. One’s language and culture are meant to be pieces to easily slot into the puzzle of identity: by answering Where am I from, one already has “values, beliefs, and customs” instilled in them. Maybe through these values, beliefs, and customs, one knows how to act. Maybe these actions will instill a sense of belonging in different communities and groups. And maybe, just maybe, if one has a strong sense of origin, a strong sense of belonging, and a strong sense of purpose, then perhaps the pieces of identity, that have always appeared mismatched, fractured, and distant, will start to fit together; the pieces that may just as well been scattered around the world find themselves and answer the question, Who am I?
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Featured/Headline Image Caption and Citation: People Marching in Nigeria, Image sourced from Pexels | CC License, no changes made
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