“Be true to the game, because the game will be true to you.”  – Michael Jordan

Introduction

Recent years have seen the slow erosion of US influence in East Asia. While Southeast Asian countries are moving away from US-led multilateral agreements in favor of China, even close allies like Japan and South Korea seem to be hedging their bets economically, unwilling to side wholeheartedly with the US as US-China tensions escalate. The same is true for other  non-aligned countries in the region. But perhaps one of the most concerning examples of this shift is Mongolia’s move away from American influence, especially considering that Mongolia’s transition to democracy took place under the mentorship of the United States. 

Mongolia, positioned between two of the US’s most significant adversaries, Russia and China, presents a unique opportunity for the US to create a beachhead of soft power in a complex neighborhood. But based on recent history the US needs to develop a new playbook to achieve that important geopolitical goal.

Over the past 40 years, the U.S. has committed to supporting Mongolian economy and democracy, but many of these efforts have failed to yield lasting results. America’s entry into Mongolia’s oil market, intended to revitalize and drive the industry up the value chain, devolved into a geopolitical scandal when US operator, SOCO, sold exclusive rights to PetroChina.¹ Similarly, U.S. ambitions to enter the critical minerals market have been swamped by the success of Rio Tinto, a British-Australian mining conglomerate. Even relatively successful initiatives, such as U.S.-Mongolian military cooperation, Khaan Quest, have limited room for expansion due to fears of provoking Russia and China. Recent programs to support Mongolia’s democracy, such as funding political NGOs and social awareness campaigns, have proven ineffective, as Mongolia’s new leadership often views these efforts as threats to its authority.  

In the meantime, Mongolia has upweighted its cooperation with China, Russia, and non-aligned nations. For example, Mongolia has promoted the construction of the Siberia 2 Pipeline to further open up the China-Mongolia-Russia geographic corridor. Mongolian technocrats have pressured parliament to match Mongolia’s railway gauges with China’s – to assure speedier transportation of coking coal. Mongolia has also invited India to construct an oil refinery, thus helping create a crucial value-adding step to Mongolia’s fossil fuel industry. Mongolia has also expressed a strong interest in strengthening economic ties with Uzbekistan in 2024, with a focus on accessing Central Asia’s agriculture and light industry markets.

The reality is that while the U.S. recognizes its inability to compete with China and Russia in terms of hard power, its soft power efforts have also struggled to gain traction. These mis-steps not only allow Mongolia to find other more reliable partners in its development, but also blunt America’s presence in the East Asian region overall—much to China’s content. 

Despite the decay of US hard power influence, American culture remains uniquely aspirational to Mongolians across the demographic spectrum. American music, fashion, entertainment and especially sports appeal to the heart and soul of Mongolia in a way that China and Russia will never rival. To reclaim influence in Mongolia, perhaps America can launch a new strategy that leverages innovative soft power and serves as a model for its broader role in East Asia. Where can America build that new Mongolian beachhead? One word: Basketball.

Basketball’s Context in Mongolia

For decades, Mongolia has been ‘balled-up’ by an undeniable cultural trend: Basketball. But in a nation known for traditional wrestling, throat singing, and horse riding, how did this unusual “Hoop Dream” take hold in the Mongolian plains?

Although originally introduced to Mongolia in the 1960’s by the Russians and Chinese in an attempt to ‘modernize’ the nation, basketball’s modern popularity came primarily from American influence. The rise of a Chicago Bulls dynasty during the years following Mongolia’s Democratic Revolution exposed Mongolians to the NBA and created excitement around western culture. High level government officials, inspired by watching NBA games during trips to the US, brought back dreams to make basketball an official sport to match the modernity of Mongolia’s new era. Over time, basketball enthusiasm grew substantially when one of Mongolia’s own, Tserenjanhor Sharavjamts, joined the Harlem Globetrotters for international exhibition games. Basketball culture continued to grow on the domestic level as well, leading to the creation of a national basketball league in the late 2010s; Mongolia’s choice was to follow the NBA’s rules. Today, the basketball fascination still lives under the halo of the NBA and its associations to American pop culture — NBA jerseys and streetwear define the “cool,” and passion around NBA games resembles levels in the US. The cultural impact of basketball in Mongolia also pays huge dividends to America’s soft power among Mongolia’s young population.² 

While Mongolia was known to be weak in team sports and strong in individual sports like Judo, basketball has provided a new outlet for athletic success. Since 2017, Mongolia’s men’s teams have twice won gold at the FIBA 3×3 Asian Cup, silver twice, and bronze once. Furthermore, the Mongolian women’s 3×3 basketball team qualified for the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, a first time achievement for any Mongolian basketball team. With 3 Mongolian players playing in the American NCAA—including Tserenjanhor Sharavjamts’ son Mike, who might become Mongolia’s first NBA professional when he graduates from the University of Utah in 2026—it seems that basketball in Mongolia will only gain further momentum over the coming years. 

Mongolia seems to be on track to become a basketball haven for a new generation of talent, but US and international organizations have yet to participate in its development. In 2024 Mongolia hosted the 3×3 basketball world tour, but it has never been able to attract an NBA team or secure a visit from an NBA star. Recent plans to bring the Utah Jazz to Mongolia created great anticipation, but never materialized. MCS, Mongolia’s largest business conglomerate built 118 new 3×3 basketball courts in Ulaanbaatar alone, yet it has been unable to secure US or international organizations to launch basketball development programs on these courts. Nevertheless, there is a growing demand for basketball in Mongolia and general openness toward American influence—leaving an interesting gap that the United States could fill with an unconventional foreign policy initiative. 

With this undeniable cultural trend, how might all three stakeholders—Mongolia, the US and the NBA—collaborate towards creating better basketball in Mongolia?

The Obstacles and Successes of America’s Presence in Mongolia

Before delving into the basketball play-by-play, it’s helpful to contextualize why basketball fits into America’s Mongolian mission. Since its Democratic Revolution, Mongolia has welcomed various forms of American investment, but the road has not always been smooth. Mongolia’s geographic isolation resulted in logistical obstacles, high costs, and necessitated collaboration with Chinese companies, most of them state owned. Furthermore, Mongolia’s unpredictable business climate over the last 20 years has been a disincentive for American companies to invest—especially in the mining sector, where Mongolia has hoped to diversify away from Chinese and Russian influence. Bearing witness to China and Russia tightening their grip on the region’s non-aligned nations, Mongolia needs American presence to support and protect its “Oasis of Democracy.” But considering the structural obstacles to investment, it is clear that America’s corporate presence can’t be the only vehicle for US influence in Mongolia.³

Development assistance has often been a soft power solution for the US. In the past five years, the US funded the half-billion-dollar Millennium Challenge Compact that built 70% of Ulaanbaatar’s fresh water supply and generated funding for USAID projects in voter education, primary education, and women’s rights. The State Department and National Endowment for the Humanities also funded the American Center of Mongolian Studies, an ‘academic embassy’ that continues to support collaboration between western scholars and their Mongolian peers.

Interpersonal exchanges have been particularly successful over the 30 years of bilateral relations. US Peace Corps volunteers and Fulbright Scholars have led development programs and taught in rural schools; the ‘American Corner’ program has built spaces for computer labs, performance auditoriums, and meeting rooms for cultural exchange and entrepreneurial incubators. With these new programs, a new generation of young Mongolians, exposed to western ways of life, are beginning to see America and its western ideals as aspirational.

Although these projects have achieved some success, the U.S. Embassy in Ulaanbaatar continues to face significant diplomatic setbacks—many of them self-imposed. Western sanctions on Russia have indirectly impacted Mongolian standards of living by cutting normal trade routes for Western products. To compensate, the ruling Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) has increased its imports of Russian and Chinese goods. Despite efforts to diversify its economy, Mongolia has deepened its economic reliance on China, increasing bilateral trade by 34% this year to surpass $12.5 billion. Already entangled in a challenging currency swap agreement with China, Mongolia has secured additional Chinese loans to finance hydroelectric and telecommunications infrastructure projects. Additionally, Mongolia ignored an ICC arrest warrant by welcoming Vladimir Putin in September 2024, a rare breach of Mongolia’s commitment to an international organization. Domestically, the MPP has undermined certain U.S.-backed initiatives aimed at bolstering Mongolia’s democratic framework. Following the 2021 presidential election, for example, the Party canceled the US-funded Ugluu social media campaign – an online platform designed to encourage young Mongolians to vote—citing concerns about misinformation. The MPP also allowed the program to peter out in the lead up to the 2024 parliamentary elections. 

While Mongolia’s closer ties with its neighbors can be interpreted as a strategy for geopolitical survival or pursuit of economic growth, the diminishing influence of U.S.-led democratic initiatives raises concerns about the country’s long-term commitment to democratic values. Mongolia’s increasing economic dependence on China, coupled with the one-party dominance of the MPP, suggests a potential drift toward more authoritarian governance.

For the moment then, current American diplomacy in Mongolia focus on 3 questions: 1) how to maximize the impact of US assistance as a ‘soft power’ counterbalance to Russian and Chinese influence, 2) how to convince US organizations to launch activities in Mongolia, and 3) how to ensure that US influence in Mongolia is perceived as positive for Mongolia and non-threatening to its larger neighbors.

Basketball can be a new dimension to America’s Mongolia policy that addresses all of these concerns.

Why Basketball

On a macro-level, basketball appeals to what expert Alan Wachman considered as the core of the US-Mongolian relationship: “US policy towards Mongolia is not so much about what the United States ‘gets’ by assisting as about what the United States is.“⁴ Basketball initiatives would not be perceived as a lever for US economic power, but, rather, a celebration of ideals that Mongolia also celebrates—perseverance, hard work, teamwork, and opportunity. China and Russia would perceive this type of influence as benign, borne from the same cultural forces that popularize basketball in their own countries rather than a seeping US influence. Even if China does see Mongolian basketball in competitive terms, it would focus on “upping its game” on the court, to the benefit of both countries. Nevertheless, with the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) losing domestic viewership and global competitiveness, China lacks the influence to make basketball a focal point in its relations with Mongolia, and would likely avoid interfering with U.S-led basketball diplomacy.

In contrast to soft power initiatives by China and Russia, the successes of Basketball Diplomacy can be portrayed as a local Mongolian success story. From the US perspective, an initiative which can hook an entire generation to embrace American culture would be a major victory. 

The US can become a key player in supporting the local basketball industry by building facilities and training professionals. A rise in the quality of local basketball leagues would increase domestic viewership, domestic revenue, and marketing opportunities. Though small, it would represent a new form of economic diversification for Mongolia into sports. By cultivating local talent, Mongolia would also have the opportunity to send students overseas for education in prestigious American universities, creating a win-win situation for young Mongolians. Students on basketball scholarships could either come back to play in domestic leagues (assuming they don’t make it to the NBA) or use their American education to obtain Mongolian high skilled jobs. Either way, Basketball Diplomacy would be a local success for a generation of young Mongolians.

By cultivating its talent to showcase internationally, Mongolian basketball would bolster national pride through sport patriotism. Success in international competitions could also amplify Mongolia’s status on the world stage. In this sense, the US would not only be bolstering Mongolia’s basketball success, but also its confidence as a sovereign nation in a neighborhood dominated by China and Russia.

For US corporations like the NBA and Nike, the benefit from participating in basketball diplomacy might be small in the short term, but they would be seeding an opportunity for a larger, long-term win at relatively low cost. The NBA already participates in TV programming in Mongolia, selling live broadcast rights and supporting fan-focused Mongolian language programming. Merchandise sales, though small, penetrate the leading edge of Mongolian youth. Opportunities to monetize that fanbase will only grow with the popularity of the sport.

By boosting up local leagues, the US can draw NCAA or NBA scouts to the exceptional talent already developing in Mongolia. One could only imagine the frenzy, and business opportunity created if a Mongolian ever achieved stardom in the NCAA or NBA. Shortly after Mike Sharavjamts joined the Dayton University Fliers, the NCAA team created a Mongolian language Facebook account that quickly attracted nearly 30,000 followers.

How the US Could Build Basketball Diplomacy in Mongolia

The US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar could take a three-pronged approach to building basketball diplomacy: Improve on the programs they already run in Mongolia; partner with other successful government programs and organizations; and encourage non-government organizations to launch initiatives to popularize basketball in Mongolia. 

I. Improving On What They Have

The US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar already has a few initiatives in place, both active and in the works, to promote diplomatic exchange through basketball.  

Under the umbrella of English language teaching programs, the Sports Visitor Program is something the US Embassy successfully runs on a small scale. The program, which provided scholarships for five underprivileged Mongolian kids this year, invites young athletes, coaches, and administrators from around the world to the United States for sports-based exchanges. Young Mongolians participate in both basketball training and joint workshops on leadership, team building, conflict resolution, as well as inclusion and equity in sports. With more allotted funding, the Sports Visitor Program could have an even greater outreach toward rural Mongolians, incorporating players and faculty alike to enhance English language skills and provide exposure to American ideals and values.

Another, more enticing program currently underway by the US Embassy is the Sports Envoy Program, which sends professional athletes for short term visits to less developed areas. Sports envoys like NBA players would engage with young Mongolians as well as meet with senior officials to discuss efforts to improve the administration of youth basketball programs. The US embassy plans to bring Mike Sharavjamts back to Mongolia once he makes it into the NBA in 2026. If a tour is approved, Sharavjamts’ visit would not only inspire Mongolian kids, but also provide a patriotic victory for Mongolia’s national identity. For Mongolian government officials, the presence of a ‘global ambassador’ would be crucial to putting Mongolia ‘on the map,’ bringing international awareness to both Mongolian basketball and Mongolia’s geopolitical relevance.

The US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar could also re-launch social outreach programs paused during the pandemic. Public watch parties for the NCAA March Madness, the NBA Playoffs, and the US election at ‘American Corners’ and other large venues, all contributed to a halo of goodwill around American culture. Revitalizing this opportunity would help the embassy reestablish its connection with the Mongolian youth, rekindling this intimate and personal bond that feeds aspiration.  By attending American watch parties young Mongolians would grow up as habitual fans of American culture, an absolute win for US soft power..

II. Partner with Other Successful Government Programs and Organizations

Beyond its in-house programs, the US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar could partner with other government organizations to support its basketball diplomacy initiatives in Mongolia..

For starters, the embassy could partner with other government organs that have created successful Mongolian projects in the past. USAID already has warm relations with the Mongolian government after collaborating to construct a half-a-billion-dollar water plant in Ulaanbaatar. Their experience navigating Mongolian bureaucracy, legal red tape, and construction on rugged terrain makes USAID an ideal candidate for basketball infrastructure projects. Using the Somalian model, USAID could use government funding to build 3×3 basketball courts in rural Mongolia and to construct training facilities in urban cities like Ulaanbaatar and Darhan. USAID could also provide basketballs, bibs, and replacement nets—equipment crucial for youth programs. The initiative would not only kickstart local basketball programs, but also promote closer collaboration between the US and Mongolia—especially on future infrastructure projects, which would provide an important diversification from the Chinese. 

On a similar note, The US Embassy could collaborate with other American government organizations that already have a strong presence in Mongolia. As mentioned before, the Peace Corps historically has had impressive success in promoting US-Mongolian intercultural exchange. With various locations of operation, strong connections with local leaders, and a significant staff of volunteers, the Peace Corps would be both a cost-saving and effective foundation for staffing basketball programs in Mongolia. By employing volunteers to serve as English curriculum developers and small school basketball coaches, the Peace Corps would promote a more well rounded form of education, providing learning opportunities within and outside the classroom. The initiative would introduce a new set of American values applicable to academic and real life situations, and would improve problem-solving skills. The Peace Corps’ web of connections at the local, Aimag (provincial), and national level, would be pivotal to the US Embassy’s successful launching of Basketball Diplomacy throughout the country.

Looking at success in other countries, an interesting angle for the US Embassy would be to latch on to current momentum in Mongolian sports, especially in women’s athletics. Capitalizing off of Mongolia’s successful women’s basketball team, the US could push to include Mongolia in their Global Sports Mentoring Program (GSMP) in an effort to promote awareness on and solutions toward gender inequality in basketball. Providing professional development exchanges between prominent retired female athletes and American sports sector executives, the GSMP could develop future Mongolian leaders and create collaborative in-depth action plans to promote inclusion and gender equality in Mongolian sports. As of 2024, the GSMP has impacted 310,000 individuals from around the world, but has yet to reach Mongolia. As Mongolia seems to be trending towards an embrace of western-leaning gender-equal policies, US outreach to the Mongolian women’s basketball community would complement Mongolia’s aims. Encouraging a new generation of Mongolian female entrepreneurs for social justice, the GSMP will bring a new dimension to Mongolian Basketball Diplomac —not just one previously focused on mastering the English language or on embracing American values of perseverance and hard work, but also one championing a distinctly ‘western’ awareness on Mongolian gender inequality. 

III. Encouraging Non-Governmental Organizations 

Beyond the programs they run in house, the US Embassy and government agencies encourage other organizations to launch  their own basketball programs. The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, for one, can act like a funding source for organizations looking to jumpstart basketball programs in Mongolia. Interested organizations would participate in the International Sports Programming Initiative (ISPI), a competition for US-based NGOs to pitch effective two-way exchanges that engage underserved youth, coaches, and sports administrators under the themes of leadership, excellence, tolerance and respect. The winners receive grants by the State Department to administer these projects in their targeted communities, which could provide a pathway for American NGOs to launch their basketball activities in Mongolia. The US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar and the Mongolian Embassy in Washington could advise NGOs in the application process, as well as back them during the approval process. Overall, the ISPI could be a way to decentralize basketball diplomacy efforts, creating a diverse portfolio of government programs, government-affiliated initiatives, and non-governmental projects all working towards the same aim.

As these programs gain traction, perhaps another, more important non-governmental actor, the NBA, could take on a more philanthropic role. Following model projects like those in Cairo, Egypt, the NBA could create basketball schools in Erdenet, Darhan, and Ulaanbaatar to attract local talent and popularize its brand across the Mongolian steppe. It must be said, however, that basketball schools are tuition-based and would only attract players from wealthier backgrounds. But if the NBA desires to attract the best Mongolian talent, they must make these schools tuition-free. Similarly, financially sponsoring young Mongolians to travel and join summer Basketball Without Borders programs could be another solution similar to the Sports Visitor Program, which aims not only to provide elite training and cultivate Mongolian talent, but also to interact with Americans and other nationalities to learn English language skills. The program would be a platform where Mongolians could reach out to the world in a more professional model, mastering both the mindset to navigate future professional worlds and an understanding of how to represent Mongolia abroad. These values could help ‘put Mongolia on the map,’ and would be crucial for Mongolia to bring awareness to their geopolitical position. Founded on goodwill, the program could shed positive light amongst Mongolians on American influence, combating Russian and Chinese counter-narratives. In addition, seeing their countrymen playing overseas could unite divisive political factions under the banner of national pride.  The concept of “Basketball as unifier” could underpin support for basketball initiatives under any political regime, but also ensure the US enjoys recognition as a factor in bridging political divides.

But perhaps the biggest impact the NBA could have on Mongolians is through branding and communication, specifically its expertise in social media and TV programming. Beyond streaming live games, the NBA could expand its current deals with Mongolian TV to include initiatives proven successful in other developing markets. Following their successful Chinese reality show, “Mengniu NBA Basketball Disciple,” the NBA could collaborate with Mongolian TV channels and create a countrywide competition for youth hoopsters. The winners would earn a tryout with an NBA Developmental League team and a chance to play in the US. MongolTV would be best suited to produce this show, having recently hosted the big “Candidate 2024” Parliamentary election competition. Considering that around 80% of Mongolians, including nomads and herders, have access to satellite TV and Facebook, the TV program would be a fast and effective way to reach out to Mongolians of all stripes. Mixing admiration for American basketball values with traditional Mongolian scenes and storylines, the show could also attract a high level of viewership and attention. The show would also introduce a new hybrid view of Mongolian traditions intersecting with the American values of resiliency, hard work, and perseverance all to create a successful outcome. While the NBA’s social media programming would highlight American values, its lack of corporate presence in Mongolia would also mitigate Mongolian skepticisms of American corporate greed. Taking into account basketball’s popularity from Ulaanbaatar to Mongolia’s smallest Baghs, the NBA would only help improve Mongolian perceptions of American presence.

Bringing the NBA Global Games — a series of exhibition matches normally held in countries with rapidly developing basketball programs like France, Japan, China and Mexico—to Mongolia could be another way to bring popular fervor to the sport and American ideals. If the State Department could attract an NBA team to briefly peel off from an Asia tour to play a game in Ulaanbaatar against all stars from Mongolia’s “The League,” it would also be a major win for US soft power.

Obstacles and Solutions: What Must Be Done? 

The many options described above leave one optimistic about the potential for Diplomacy through Basketball, but the challenges to launch those initiatives should not be underestimated.  Among the key success factors are 1. Aligning a diverse set of Mongolian and US stakeholders around the initiatives; 2. Identifying champions to create support among Mongolian decision makers; and 3. Raising funding and other forms of support from domestic and international partners 

Creating a productive dialogue between US and Mongolian delegations will be an important and arduous process. Pushing for Basketball Diplomacy would not just involve the State Department and the Mongolian Sports Ministry, but would also include the Mongolian Basketball Association, the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, the Peace Corps, and maybe even the NBA.  While each stakeholder might join the project with its own unique agenda in mind, they would all have to align around common operating principles and program goals.  In practical terms, the obstacles posed by geography, distance and communication (Mongolians are hard to reach by email) would add levels of complexity. If all parties are motivated, those obstacles can be overcome, but the Mongolian side will have to see clear enough benefits to be fully engaged. Considering the long list of US geopolitical priorities, US policy makers will need assurances that Mongolia will be a proactive partner.

In order for Basketball Diplomacy to gain attention from any of the organizations above, there must be an influential figure endorsing this project. While a charismatic communicator like the current US Ambassador, Richard Buangan, could push for Mongolian Basketball Diplomacy on a policy level, the project must have big-name athletic ambassadors that promote the deal on a public level. For example, Loul Deng’s role as an NBA star was crucial to securing US funding for basketball leagues and development programs in South Sudan, which put them on a path to nearly defeating  the US men’s team at last year’s Olympics.

In the case of Mongolian basketball, Mike Sharavjamts seems destined to take on this role, especially if he’s drafted into the NBA. Though still young, he already represents a bridge between American and Mongolian culture, bringing awareness about Mongolia to Americans while also representing the reality of the “American Dream” to many aspiring Mongolian youth. Therefore, he would be the ideal champion for this type of Mongolian-American Basketball Diplomacy. Sharavjamts seems to have this ambition as well, noting to the San Francisco Chronicler that he hopes to create his own basketball academy in Mongolia when he retires.

Beyond a Mongolian icon like Sharavjamts, American players who have played in Mongolia could also add starpower to the initiative. Stephen Sir, one of the all-time 3-point scoring leaders in NCAA history, could be an instrumental figure in pushing for 3×3 basketball initiatives in Mongolia, as he was once a player-coach of the Mongolia 3×3 basketball team. The fifteen Americans currently playing in Mongolia could also make Americans aware of “The League,” highlighting both the talent of young Mongolian players and the league’s development potential. These figures would not only bring the attention of Mongolians but could also bring previously unenthusiastic Americans to the table.

Securing funding has been a persistent challenge for past programs, but it can be addressed through upweighting basketball diplomacy on both the US and Mongolian sides.  The Mongolian government—whether through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Great Hural, or the Executive branch—could incorporate Basketball Diplomacy into its Vision 2050 policy plan for national development.⁵ This would not only put basketball in the national spotlight, but also fund programs to solicit the participation of foreign governments, including the U.S.

Building on previous collaborative efforts, the government could partner with local conglomerates like MCS to construct large-scale basketball infrastructure.  The role of US partners, then, could focus exclusively on staffing, management and other elements that make the program authentically American. 

Beyond this, the Mongolian government can leverage its proven social media expertise to create a halo of domestic and international support around basketball programs.  The country’s global tourism campaign, “MonGOlia” reached 155 million consumers, attracted 650,000 tourists, and generated $1.2 billion in revenue. A similar effort around basketball could rally international stakeholders to invest, but also convince US lawmakers to fund government programs aimed at pursuing soft power through sport diplomacy.  In this era of tension between the US and Mongolia’s two large neighbors – China and Russia – congress might see Basketball Diplomacy as a quick, effective and invulnerable way to build America’s influence in a region that’s otherwise leaning away.

Conclusion

As the United States gradually loses influence in East Asia, Basketball Diplomacy presents a compelling solution to sustain its presence in the region. Basketball, the most popular sport in Mongolia, holds particular appeal for the country’s media-savvy youth—arguably its future leaders. It provides the U.S. with an opportunity to showcase core values such as perseverance, teamwork, and opportunity, helping to shed its reputation as a meddler in local affairs. Crucially, Basketball Diplomacy is non-threatening to Mongolia’s assertive neighbors, China and Russia, creating a soft power lever that the U.S. can exploit unopposed.  

Basketball Diplomacy also aligns with Mongolia’s goals of building geopolitical relevance and enhancing its soft power. By leveraging basketball’s global appeal, Mongolia can boost its visibility on the world stage and foster national pride. 

With a strong history of using cultural diplomacy to win hearts and minds, the U.S. has the potential to make basketball initiatives in Mongolia highly successful under the following conditions:  

1. Revitalization of Existing Programs: The U.S. Embassy must reinvigorate current basketball initiatives, collaborate with broader U.S. government agencies, and engage third-party organizations.  

2. Key Ambassadors: engage champions like Mike Sharavjamts and Stephen Sir to serve as project ambassadors to generate awareness and momentum for the project.  

3. Government Support: The Mongolian government should integrate basketball diplomacy into its Vision 2050 strategy, enhancing communication between government branches and collaborating with U.S. organizations to ensure collective planning and execution.  

Basketball Diplomacy offers the U.S. a subtle yet effective way to counteract its declining presence in East Asia while challenging Chinese and Russian cultural and ideological influence. Moreover, it could serve as a model for similar initiatives in South East Asia, Africa, Middle East where basketball is highly aspirational to a generation of future leaders and the US risks losing influence to emerging global powers. 

With a new U.S. administration focused on curbing China’s influence, Basketball Diplomacy could create a soft power beachhead in a region where China and Russia dominate, and a “W”  for the U.S. and Mongolia, on and off the court.

This piece was adapted from a concept piece written by the same author in early September: https://blogs.ubc.ca/mongolia/2024/guest-post-us-soft-power-basketball/“

Featured/Headline Image Caption and Citation: Two children play basketball close to Yolyn Am, taken on July 5, 2015 | Image sourced from Flickr | CC License, no changes made

1. Alicia Campi, Mongolia’s Foreign Policy Navigating a Changing World, pg. 91.
   *SOCO International is now Pharos Energy ↩︎
2.  Ts, Suvdantsetseg, and Mendee Jargalsaikhan, Changing Soft Power Dynamics in Mongolia, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2022, pg. 5. ↩︎
3. When describing US soft power successes on page 175 and from pages 181-186,  there is no mention of American corporate presence. Similar patterns are noted in Ts, Suvdantsetseg and Mendee Jargalsaikhan’s Changing Soft Power Dynamics in Mongolia on pg. 5-6. ↩︎
4.  Gantulga, Tuvshinzaya. “Beyond Horses and the Frontier: Mongolia-United States Relations.” Mongolian Geopolitics, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Ulaanbaatar, Select Option, pg. 237–254. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/mongolei/19651.pdf pg. 241. ↩︎
5.  Government of Mongolia, Vision-2050: Introduction to Mongolia’s Long-Term Development Policy Document. There are no mentions of specific basketball or sports development initiatives. ↩︎

Introduction

In March, Mongolia was welcomed into the international space community by successfully sending two nanosatellites, Ondosat-Owl-1 and Ondosat-Owl-2, into space. While this was a significant feat for the developing nation, Mongolia hopes to leverage that momentum into a whole new frontier of space activity: a simulation site of Mars.

In 2019, the Mongolian Aerospace Research and Science Association (MARSA) launched the Mars V Project, an initiative to establish this simulation site in the Gobi Desert. Under the leadership of S. Erdenebold, the Mars V Project has presented this idea to the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), the European Space Agency (ESA), the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO), and the Russian State Space Corporation Roscosmos. Furthermore, the Mars V Project has begun collaborations with 2 groups under NASA and hopes to work with private companies going forward. After completing a deal that allowed Mongolia to use Starlink, the Project has begun discussing Mars V collaboration with SpaceX magnate Elon Musk. Currently, the Project is being advised by former Mongolian cosmonaut Jügderdemidiin Gurragchaa.

Evidently, Mongolia is planning toward a future of scientific innovation and international collaboration. But does it have the standing and resources to implement them? This short piece hopes to address two questions: 1) what makes Mongolia’s space policy attractive to other space organizations, and 2) what is Mongolia’s vision for its future role in the international space industry?

Jumping on a Trend

Mongolia isn’t the first ‘geopolitical minnow’ to enter the international space race. Island nations such as New Zealand have leased lands at below-market rates and reduced corporate taxes for the construction of launching sites, Lithuania’s Aerospace Science Technology and Innovation Development Program has worked to bolster both research and economic incentives for space tech companies, and Luxembourg has allocated $110 million in funding to space mining startups. In addition, the UAE has invested in its own space policy program, financing Japanese-built hardware for both the Emirates Mars Mission, which sent the Hope Probe to Mars in 2021, and the Emirates Lunar Mission in 2023, which unsuccessfully saw the Rashid Rover crash into the moon.

Yet it is unusual for Mongolia to enter the space race for a few reasons. First, Mongolia has a per capita GDP of roughly $6,000 (IMF) – a significantly smaller fraction than other nations’. Second, Mongolia doesn’t have the talent pool to run the Mars V facilities and projects; most Mongolians graduating from universities earn degrees in business management and law, not subjects such as physics or engineering. Third, with concerns about national debt and a 2% GDP budget deficit, Mongolia doesn’t have the financial resources to launch the project at full scale. Fourth, Mongolia’s geographic location may leave it vulnerable to Chinese and Russian leverage.

So, why would major space organizations wish to endorse Mongolia?

Mongolia’s Marketability

There are five components that make Mongolia marketable as a partner in Mars exploration: 1) the Gobi’s unique environment and climate, 2) its geopolitical neutrality, 3) a clear focus on enhancing foreign investment, 4) a commitment to renewable energy, and 5) a nomadic culture.

Being one of the largest, coldest deserts, unused and untouched, the Mongolian Gobi would theoretically have both the environmental conditions and available space to construct a major project for simulating life on Mars. Its temperature conditions – a night-day temperature range of -42 ℃ to 45 ℃ — are similar to the 130-degree variation on Mars. Similarly, rather low precipitation, high wind speeds, and significant Ferum O₂ content in its soil also make the Gobi akin to Mars in  similar climate and soil composition. Although other deserts, such as Chile’s Atacama, have comparable conditions, the Gobi’s vast and uninhabited nature makes it a highly suitable space for both Mars research and the development of scientific facilities in the region.

Beyond having suitable physical landscapes, Mongolia also has a stable geopolitical landscape, making it a suitable partner for collaborative international projects. Mongolia’s policy of absolute neutrality has delivered a strong foundation for successful international collaboration — hosting international dialogues and conferences, entering and creating various multilateral organizations, hosting both South and North Korean embassies, and engaging in joint military training exercises with countries across the geopolitical gambit like China, India, Egypt, Indonesia, Pakistan, and the US. Moreover, Mongolia’s nuclear-weapon-free status and peacekeeping missions have earned it the goodwill of other nations and created a trust to collaborate in joint projects. Its policy of non-aggression also means that Mongolia has no hot adversary, ensuring that it could de-escalate tension between collaborating nations and prevent any from being barred or left behind. In short, Mongolia’s reputation as a successful center for multilateral cooperation would make an international Mars project in the Gobi attractive to participating nations.

Mongolia’s general openness to foreign investment and plans to create an economic free zone in the Gobi Region could also attract space agencies to invest in the project. Mongolia’s current Constitution and Foreign Investment Law ensure that its government “imposes no statutory or regulatory limits on foreign ownership and control of investments,” guaranteeing that a foreign investor has the same rights as a Mongolian investor. As regulated by the WTO, Mongolia’s Free Zone Law would allow agencies and tech startups to operate tax-free, including sales tax and real estate tax, duties, and VAT. Furthermore, land lease terms (formerly limited to five years with a one-year extension) would not apply in the Free Zone. In May of 2024, Mongolia revised the Law on Science and Technology to promote the development of science programs and research, and the Mars V Project has been officially included in Mongolia’s Vision 2050. The Mongolian government thus seems unanimously invested in creating legislation that encourages space agencies to participate.

Additionally, the country’s investment in improving renewable energy availability in the Mongolian Gobi could be a further reason for foreign space agencies to collaborate. Large-scale wind and solar farms built throughout the Gobi with South Korean and Japanese partners could theoretically provide all energy required to operate the Mars V facilities. This would be an important appeal to countries looking into long-term plans for carbon neutrality and energy security.

Beyond practical factors like location, stable project environment, and clean energy, Mongolians could use elements of their nomadic culture to contribute to space technology and innovation. As the envisioned version of life on Mars has clear similarities to a nomadic lifestyle, Mongolia has a head start in accommodating the unique living conditions required. Mars V developers have already created a concept of a reusable and portable Martian dome in the form of a Mongolian Ger. The engineering team has also laid out blueprints for a “Mars V Carrier,” adjusting tire designs and the lightweight body to match the environmental conditions of the rugged Gobi. These ideas could offer new perspectives on space innovation and would be considered a valuable contribution to any collaborating space agency, and one unique to Mongolia. 

The Mars V Plan

Mars V is a government-funded project to simulate conditions on Mars within Mongolia’s Gobi Desert. The project aims to become a hub for scientific research on planetary exploration, a major contributor towards a settlement on Mars, and a central initiative for peaceful international cooperation on space policy. The project envisions three interconnected institutions to fulfill those goals: 1) an international training academy for Mars exploration; 2) an international zone for Mars research; and 3) a space-themed tourist center.

To establish an academy for future Mars explorers, the project includes training programs focused on adapting to the environment, terrain navigation, and eventual settlement. These programs, led by foreign experts from major space agencies, would train the best astronauts from around the world and Mongolians responsible for day-to-day operations. The program would also support the growing space tourism industry, assuming space tourism eventually reaches Mars.

In addition to offering opportunities to aspiring astronauts, The Mars V Project also hopes to foster a cooperative network of researchers. The vision to set up an international zone for Mars-focused scientific and economic cooperation would include creating research opportunities and establishing an international think tank to share discoveries.  Participating national space agencies would be provided both the land and the facilities to conduct experiments, most specifically regarding soil composition and potential fertilizers. Contracts can also be negotiated with tech startups to test their surface vehicles, space suits, agricultural products, and robots in the Gobi. To encourage a sense of entrepreneurship, the Mars V Project includes a fast-track patent service and a platform for commercializing test results, research, and products for Mars exploration. On an international geopolitical level, creating an international think tank would stand as a gesture of goodwill supporting international cooperation in Mars research. By creating a grand database, the think tank would be a center of innovation for global leaders in Mars research.

Beyond focusing on space education and training, the Mars V Project also aspires to commercialize this space. With eco-tourism already an important segment of the Mongolian economy, the plan envisions creating a hospitality center, ‘Satellite City,’ to accommodate space tourists. The center would offer an opportunity for tourists to live in a space-themed capsule and experience Mars-like terrain as a makeshift astronaut. The City would simulate life on Mars and offer Mongolia an important pivot to higher-value tourism, populated with space enthusiasts and tourists alike.

How Would Mongolia Benefit?

The Mars V Project could be one of many pathways Mongolia uses to diversify its economy. Profits derived from land leasing, patent fees, and service charges could become new sources of income for the government, which Mongolia could either reinvest in the project or distribute to its citizens through other programs. Building and operating facilities such as the training center, the laboratory, and the Satellite City ‘hotel’ could also create more highly skilled jobs to address the high youth unemployment rate Mongolians face today. This would be a crucial diversification to parallel the mining industry, which has seen success in both wealth creation and cultivating local talent in mining operations and business management.

By attracting global space experts to the country, Mongolia will inspire a new generation of Mongolians to become planetary scientists or enter other STEM-related fields. As legislated by the WTO, agencies that operate in economic free zones can’t have more than 10% foreign workforce, therefore, there will be a growing demand from participating space agencies for Mongolian labor. In the short term, a Mongolian workforce within the project will be trained to learn the skills needed to operate complex facility machinery. As a result, Mongolian institutions would be established to educate this specialized labor force to Mars V and support other high-tech development. In the long term, Mongolia could export its talent to other national space agencies across the globe and advise on building and operating simulation facilities in other countries. In short, Mongolia will be able to cultivate high-tech talent similar to how it developed a specialized workforce for the mining industry, creating both a skilled worker base for future entrepreneurial innovation and an experienced corps of experts valuable to any space agency worldwide.

On an international geopolitical level, Mongolia has always dreamed of being an indispensable part of the global supply chain. The adoption of the space program at full speed could potentially integrate Mongolia into any nation’s space exploration program. By involving its space agencies in the Mars V Project, global players such as the US, Japan, India, and the European Union would have a vested interest in Mongolia’s geopolitical safety and serve as important moderators and insurance mechanisms for Mongolia in case of Russian and Chinese intervention.  Similarly, the exchange of peoples and ideas would not only bring an awareness of Mongolia’s political situation to academic communities worldwide but would also help young Mongolians connect in a new way to the outside world, through space innovation.

Lots of Work to Do

The Mars V Project is still a long way from implementation. For starters, the team hasn’t fully concluded its study on the Gobi’s soil composition, which could affect its marketability to major space agencies. In addition, the team has not fully calculated the cost to build (including importing high-level technology) and operate the facility (both in terms of money and energy), how long it is projected to build the facilities, or the pricing model for land use and development charges to space organizations, tourists, or tech startups.

Ecology, archaeological preservation, and mining may pose additional concerns. With recent discoveries of rare Saurolophus dinosaur bones and projected discoveries of critical mineral deposits in the Gobi, the Mars V Project would most likely have to collaborate with archeologists and mining entrepreneurs for land rights and allocation. However, these challenges should be resolvable, as the vast area of the Gobi would be more than sufficient to provide each the land they require.

Funding sources and rights to ownership for Mars V could turn into a political concern. Based on the current proposal that infrastructure and facility construction would be funded by foreign space agencies, the project could quickly turn into a bidding war for influence.  Significant investors would also demand priority access to the facilities creating leverage that might not be in Mongolia’s long-term interest. The battle for access could also create international political tensions, putting Mongolia in an even more difficult geopolitical position. To address those concerns, a project like Mars V should seek funding from international finance organizations such as the IMF or the World Bank instead, to ensure that no sources of funding come with political baggage or vested political interests.

Even if Mongolia could successfully launch the international think tank they envision as part of the Mars V Project, it will be difficult for Mongolia to benefit from the intellectual property created through that collaboration. National space agencies or tech startups will refuse to share the value of their intellectual property (IP) for the sake of their own national security or economic benefit. Likewise, Mongolia would be reluctant to share rights to any of its homegrown IPs. Therefore, any information shared within the international think tank would also be found in the public domain. In choosing between having a data center that shares information or a secret lab that protects innovation, Mars V can’t have both ways.    

Conclusion

Mars V has the potential to be an interesting high-tech addition to Mongolia’s economic and geopolitical evolution, but its leaders must be careful to establish a legal framework, economic incentives, and support from the Mongolian people. Perhaps most importantly, they will have to navigate complex international politics, a skill set in which Mongolia has proven to be adept.

On a macro-level, the Mars V Project reflects Mongolia’s Third Neighbor Policy, an initiative for Mongolia to reach out to nations beyond their landlocked neighbors, China and Russia, to immunize themselves from Russian and Chinese influence and leverage. Typically, Mongolia adheres to this initiative by creating and leading various multilateral organizations, winning support through their engagement in international organizations, and trading this goodwill for beneficial diplomatic relations with adversarial nations. Similarly, Mongolia’s mission to Mars is not solely for space exploration, but rather to create a center for international cooperation and innovation. The project reflects Mongolia’s greater geopolitical ambition, to assert its value as an important interlocutor for international dialogue and collaboration. By presenting itself as a uniquely positioned and non-threatening partner in space exploration, Mongolia can strengthen its geopolitical ‘insurance policy’ through cooperation, goodwill, and vested interests.

 Image sourced from AMR Photography | CC License, no changes made