Laurence Hayward – The Yale Review of International Studies https://yris.yira.org Yale's Undergraduate Global Affairs Journal Fri, 28 Jun 2024 05:42:18 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://i0.wp.com/yris.yira.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/cropped-output-onlinepngtools-3-1.png?fit=32%2C32&ssl=1 Laurence Hayward – The Yale Review of International Studies https://yris.yira.org 32 32 123508351 Once Upon a Time…Never Again? Why Kosovo is crucial to European security. https://yris.yira.org/column/once-upon-a-timenever-again-why-kosovo-is-crucial-to-european-security/ Fri, 28 Jun 2024 05:42:14 +0000 https://yris.yira.org/?p=7354 Little precious things

In central Pristina, not far from the bustling main strip, there is an exhibition dedicated to the 1133 children who were killed or remain missing because of the Kosovo War. It is a quiet, understated shrine. Every child casualty is listed on a wall and, in a second room, personal items are displayed: Schoolbags, sweatshirts, storybooks, football jerseys, a bicycle, teddy bears. Suspended in their glass cabinets, they remain as they were found- crumpled, heart-wrenchingly small, and some still stained with the blood of their owner. 

It is hard to look at. The room is a distillation of tragedy, carefully put together by Kosovo’s Humanitarian Law Centre, who meticulously record victims and educate the public. The exhibition is called Once upon a time…never again. These ‘little precious things’ floating peacefully in their glass boxes tell the story of an ‘interrupted childhood’, and the horrors endured by those children living in a fairytale-gone-wrong. They are, like their owners, suspended in time- forever young, eternally innocent, dressed in their bright 90s colors.  

It is an unfortunately necessary reminder of what happened here, and of what is at stake in contemporary political discourse. The bloody ethnic violence that erupted in the 1990s and the following NATO intervention have left deep scars and wounds that are yet to heal. I came to Pristina as part of a summer academy about ‘peacebuilding in post-conflict areas’.. Over the next ten days, under the sweltering Balkan sun, I became infatuated with and haunted by this country. The Kosova capital almost seems like a city that has moved on, looking  much the same as any other in the region- a mismatch of Soviet-era brutalist blocks, new developments, Mediterranean farmhouses and Orthodox Churches, Cathedrals and Mosques surrounded by breathtaking mountains. However, there are plenty of subtle signs that all is not well. Memories of war here are fresh and ever-present. The pain, pride, and propaganda remain.

Back in the News

Kosovo briefly returned to Western media last May because of controversy surrounding its Mayoral elections. Boycotts in Serb majority areas led to Kosova-Albanians being elected with very small numbers of votes. They were installed into their positions with the help of armed police who also removed Serb flags. This led to violent protests from the Serbian population, attacks against NATO peacekeepers, and a diplomatic crisis between Kosovo, Serbia, and EU and US observers. 

Recent violence, and the NATO/EU response, have ratcheted up anxieties and tensions. On the 29th of September, NATO authorized additional peacekeeping forces for Kosovo after a gunbattle between Kosovo police and heavily armed Serbs who barricaded themselves in a Monastery. Relations between the two countries are at the worst they have been for years.

Unease on the Ground

It is easy for  Westerners to  think that those involved in the wars of Yugoslavia have moved on, and we can too. However, the task of creating a lasting peace in the Balkans is not a done deal. Kosovo has come remarkably far as a multi-ethnic representative democracy and society. However, there are signs of underlying ethnic tensions and memories of the past loom large. Over the summer, there was a palpable unease that occasionally surfaced: The road signs in Serbian and Albanian had the Serb crossed out by black graffiti and the beautiful Orthodox monastery was surrounded by barbed wire. The same is true when you talk to the locals: We chatted with a taxi driver about football, food, and life in his country. We ask if he lives in Pristina. He says yes, but he drives all over, including to Serbia. One of the braver members of our group asks what he thinks about Serbs. He replies calmly, “I killed Serbs”.

This tension is most noticeable in the Northern city of Mitrovica. We arrive on a sweltering, sweaty day and the Ibar River which splits the city in two is sparkling under dappled trees. North of the river is the Serb majority area, easily identified by the sun-washed flags fluttering in the breeze. The South is Albanian, and there are just as many flags. Between them is the bridge over the Ibar, guarded by the Carabinieri. We cross the bridge, as we are told people regularly do, but are met with suspicious stares and a few jeers from the Serb side. Ironically, I notice a small sign on the bridge displaying the EU’s motto, ‘united in diversity.’ This could not be further from the truth. Inter-ethnic tensions remain in Kosovo, and the alliance of Western states that led the nation building process have a duty to ensure there is not a descent into further violence. 

Shifting Alliances

The West has been Kosovo’s strongest supporter. It came to its rescue in 1999 and invested money and time into building its economy and political system in its own image. It became something of a model state, with the V-Dem index calling it a ‘full electoral democracy’ ranked at the top of states in the Western Balkans. However, this support has started to waver. The West has been courting the Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and has sanctioned Kosovo. This is in part due to accusations that Kosovo mishandled the mayoral election crisis, as well as a distaste for the ruling Vetëvendosje party. The party is left-wing, skeptical about too much foreign interference, and has been accused of being populist. It is also part of a strategy to ‘Westernize Serbia’ and bring it out of Russia’s sphere of influence.

This is a grave strategic miscalculation. Kosovars have the highest support for NATO and EU accession in the region,  but the lack of international support for this has caused widespread domestic frustration. The unfulfilled promises and dashed hopes have led to support for a party that advocates Kosovar self-determination and a break with Western neoliberalism. Although the party advocates for a more social-democratic economy, it is still well within mainstream Western politics. It is committed to parliamentary democracy and advocates for NATO and EU membership. The idea that Kosovo should in any way be punished for making use of its Western-inspired democracy is bizarre and self-defeating. Such actions can only lead to greater disillusionment and potential political extremism. 

The Courting of Serbia

Since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine began in 2022, the West has appeased and courted the Serbian government. The Western strategy (if one can even call it that) seems to be to try and win over Serbia and break its historic alliance with Russia. So far Serbia remains closely aligned with Russia, and has neither fully condemned its invasion of Ukraine nor joined the EU in enacting sanctions. Furthermore, under President Vučić the country has become more and more authoritarian, nationalistic, and aggressive. It has also refused to consider EU-brokered agreements regarding Kosovo and consistently blocked any move towards UN accession for the country. The government has documented links to organized crime and has signed a security agreement with Putin. Vučić has denied the massacres committed by Serbs in Kosovo and made false accusations that Kosovo is ethnically cleansing Serbs in the North. This is concerningly similar to Putin’s justification for his war against Ukraine. Nevertheless, Washington and Brussels put exclusive blame on the Kosovar Prime Minister Albin Kurti for the failure of the EU negotiations.

Dr. Aidan Hehir, a reader in International Relations at the University of Westminster and an expert on transitional justice, humanitarian intervention, and state-building in Kosovo, told me that “we are currently confronted with a remarkable situation; the most popular government ever elected in Kosovo – one which is committed to EU and NATO integration and making great strides in tackling corruption, improving democracy, and managing the economy – is being punished for not accommodating the interests of Serbia, a country aligned with Russia, ruled by a corrupt elite intimately involved with criminal gangs, and actively stoking violent unrest throughout the region.” 

People Matter 

At the heart of this are the people of Kosovo. They have endured so much and done exactly what the West has asked of them. As Dr. Hehir went on to say, “The people of Kosovo should have been commended for the way they maintained hope for progressive change and acted to achieve this through the exercise of collective agency and grass-roots political mobilization”. However, due to Western strategic miscalculation and myopia, instead “they have been treated as pariahs; the way their democratically elected government has been bullied, castigated and punished by Western states since it came to power in 2021 is a damning indictment of the craven outlook and cynical priorities that now guide Western foreign policy”.

Now these people are exposed to the increasingly aggressive Serb regime without the essential support of the EU and NATO. History clearly shows that when nationalist sentiments are unleashed in this part of the world, the consequences are disastrous. The West cannot allow itself to turn its back on Kosovo now. If Kosovo’s erstwhile Western allies continue to appease Serbia, as Dr. Hehir put it, they will do nothing but “flaunt their own moral bankruptcy” and put the people of Kosovo at risk.

Never Again?

In the Balkans peace and prosperity must be the priority. However, currently, Western actors are failing to deliver this, and the risk of wider destabilization and conflict is unacceptably high. Liberal democracy’s closest ally in the region is Kosovo, and support for its independence and security must be unwavering. Flirtations with the Serbian regime are not only morally questionable but strategically inept and dangerous. 

What is needed is respect for Kosovo’s democratic decisions, uncompromising commitment to its territorial autonomy (backed up, if needed, by an increased NATO presence), and economic investment. As one young Kosovan told me in a bar in Pristina, you cannot expect to build ‘harmony in a shithole’- peace and moderation are rarely found in places with widespread poverty, unemployment, and chronic ‘brain drain.’ The most intense conflicts continue to dominate Western media, but the stakes between Serbia and Kosovo could not be higher. The echoes of the recent past can clearly be heard, and the West must be serious about preventing a repeat of the horrors of history. We take our eyes off this region at our peril.


Featured/Headline Image Caption and Citation:  Kosovo Refugees; These boys carry their family’s bread rations. | Image sourced from Flickr | CC License, no changes made

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Israel, Palestine, and the Role of the Bystander: The View from London https://yris.yira.org/column/israel-palestine-and-the-role-of-the-bystander-the-view-from-london/ Tue, 13 Feb 2024 22:15:27 +0000 https://yris.yira.org/?p=6948 Since Hamas’ attacks against Israel on October 7, and Israel’s subsequent invasion of Gaza, London has been deeply affected. Grief, anger, and pain permeate the city which so many Muslims and Jews call their home. It has also shaken the British political system to its core, with both major parties divided, and asked questions about the UK’s role as a bystander to the horrors.

Underlying Tensions

The leaves have fallen in London, and half-forgotten Christmas lights still hang from the branches of the skeletal trees lining my street. The crisp, cold air and hustle-and-bustle of  tourists could seem a long way from the humanitarian disaster currently unfolding in the Middle East. However, there are small signs everywhere of its heavy presence: if you look closely at the bus stop, you’ll see posters calling for the return of Israeli hostages taken by Hamas, and if you stop under a lamppost, you’re likely to spot a ‘Free Palestine’ sticker or hastily scrawled graffiti. 

My corner of North London is a true melting pot; I am a stone’s throw from the North London Mosque as well as several large Hasidic Jewish communities. In some ways, the UK’s position in this conflict feels distinctly distant. The country is a former colonial power whose history of self-interest, broken promises, and blind drawing of borders is often cited as a cause of the conflict. Understandably, many no longer care what we have to say. On the other hand, it is deeply present — communities here are closely tied to the events happening in this conflict, and there is palpable tension. 

From Fear to Rage

The conflict is not just visible in posters and graffiti, but also in the treatment of individuals. At a Tube station recently, I witnessed a Hasidic Jew being harassed by a group of young men shouting “Palestine will be free.” When I asked him if he was alright, he smiled tiredly and said, “It’s okay, I’ve got used to it.” This is reflected in crime statistics: The Metropolitan Police say that there has been a 1,350% increase in hate crimes targeting Jewish people and that Islamophobic hate crimes are up 140%. London is a vibrant, multicultural, and multireligious city, but many now live with fear and anxiety about showing their faith.

This fear has also turned to anger. There have been regular protests in Central London calling for a ceasefire, with over 300,000 attending one march that took place on November 11. This provoked an angry counter-protest from the far right, with over one hundred arrested for aggressive and threatening behavior. In this way, the conflict between Israel and Hamas has become a new battleground for the ongoing culture wars in the UK, with violence on the streets of London indicative of the rising animosity. 

Politics Upturned 

These new divisions challenge the old Left-Right divide. Both of the UK’s major political parties, Labour and the Conservatives, struggle to know how to handle the crises and face internal discord. The divisive Conservative former Home Secretary, Suella Braverman, was forced to resign after calling those attending ceasefire protests “hate marchers.” Senior Labour Party opposition politicians have had to leave their positions after voting in favor of the UK calling for a ceasefire. Even more confusingly, the far-right is now marching in defense of Jews and is disrupting Remembrance Day events honoring veterans. This degree of polarization and anger, which too often descends into hatred and prejudice, is very dangerous. 

Social media activism has also played a role in this trend. Sites have seen a massive increase in infographics, tweets, and images relating to the conflict. Although messaging can be a helpful and heartfelt way of raising awareness of the suffering and gathering funds to alleviate it, social media can also be highly reductionist, extreme, and misinformation-laden. And oftentimes, it is those living relatively privileged lives in Western states whose posts are the most divisive and antagonistic. This turns social media, which can be a force for good, into a forum of blind rage and attacks. The reality is that this is a hugely complex conflict steeped in a long history that touches countless people’s lives. For this reason, now is a time for tact, understanding, and sensitivity. 

Sound and Fury

Unfortunately, politicians do not seem to understand this. Government and elected politicians can and should condemn both Hamas’s attacks and the nature of the Israeli response. Criticism of the way Israel is conducting its war does not necessarily equate to criticism of Israel as a state, Israelis as a people, or anti-Semitism. Equally, recognizing the horror of Hamas’ attack does not mean a lack of support for the Palestinian cause or a justification for the intensity of Israeli military violence. People are intelligent enough to hold these different ideas in their minds and to see that they are not all mutually exclusive. We need sensitivity and an understanding of how deeply and emotionally invested so many people worldwide are in this conflict, including in London. Empathy is vital. Politicians and the wider public have to understand the position of Jews in Britain and elsewhere, as well as the pressing and understandable fears they have. They also have to understand the generations of pain and suffering that the Palestinian people have faced and how that resonates with Arabs, Muslims, and many others worldwide.

Instead, politicians have sought to use the conflict to serve their interests. Most obviously, Suella Braverman used it as a way to appeal to right-wing voters by accusing the police of showing favorable treatment to pro-Palestinian protesters. This dangerous and wholly unfounded accusation of bias was done purely to help rile up her base as she potentially eyes up the leadership of the Conservative Party. The Labour leader, Keir Starmer, and his senior team have been too nervous about losing their lead in opinion polls to make a clear statement. Instead, they have either refused to answer or bluntly asserted Israel’s right to self-defense without thoroughly condemning its war crimes

Political Silence

Most worryingly, the British Prime Minister has offered very little in response to the conflict. Rishi Sunak has maintained Britain’s “unequivocal support” for Israel while calling for “specific pauses” in the fighting and urging Israel to try to avoid killing civilians. This shows that Britian’s politicians are unwilling to stand up and offer either a critical voice on foreign affairs or reassurances at home. Tensions and rising enmity must be cooled, and we should start listening to each other and engaging in dialogue. Instead, most senior British politicians are undertaking a different strategy — they are largely silent, offering little leadership or visible compassion to all those suffering in the UK and abroad.

This is a reflection of modern Britain on the international stage. The post-Brexit promise was of a new “Global Britain,”one that would be deeply engaged in foreign affairs. This is yet to be fulfilled. Instead, the nation’s confidence has been knocked, and politicians no longer know where the country stands. Of course, the UK must recognize its limited power to influence the conflict in the Middle East, but nevertheless, it has a responsibility to help push for peace. Perhaps the country could finally live up to its fantasies by playing the “wise, elder statesman” role and leading the calls for a ceasefire and peace talks. France’s President Emmanuel Macron has now taken that stand, and it’s about time Britain followed suit. An end to the fighting is in nearly everyone’s long-term interests.

Fighting the Flames

At the moment, London feels like a tinderbox; the tensions, anger, and anxiety are simply waiting for a spark. Politicians have a responsibility to help combat this. Rhetoric has to be cooled, and politicians should talk honestly and empathetically to help bring communities back together. They should also have the moral courage to take a stand on the international stage. London’s multiculturalism and diversity is what makes it great, and our leaders should celebrate and defend this to ensure the city remains a safe place for Jews, Muslims, and everyone else who calls it home.

Featured/Headline Image Caption and Citation: “Bring Them Home” demonstration on Parliament Square supporting Israel after the Hamas massacre in the south of Israel, uploaded Oct 15, 2023 | Image sourced from Wikimedia Commons

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