Layla Hedroug – The Yale Review of International Studies https://yris.yira.org Yale's Undergraduate Global Affairs Journal Sat, 20 Jan 2024 00:50:19 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://i0.wp.com/yris.yira.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/cropped-output-onlinepngtools-3-1.png?fit=32%2C32&ssl=1 Layla Hedroug – The Yale Review of International Studies https://yris.yira.org 32 32 123508351 Algerians Don’t Appreciate the Audacity https://yris.yira.org/column/algerians-dont-appreciate-the-audacity/ Fri, 14 Apr 2023 20:03:15 +0000 http://yris.yira.org/?p=6180

For decades, Algerians have proudly chanted the slogan “One, Two, Three – Viva l’Algerie!” in the face of adversity. Yet even this slogan, which has come to represent Algerian patriotism and resilience, recalls memories of the country’s brutal experience as a French colony. Algeria won its independence in 1962 after 132 years of brutal French colonization and the massacre of nearly 1.5 million Algerians,1 but the impact of French colonialism on Algerian culture, society, and politics is still felt today. French education dismantled the Algerian common nation, cultural identity, and homogenous society,2 and French is still spoken by a third of the population and taught in Algerian elementary schools.3 

After Algeria gained its independence in 1962, the country faced significant challenges in building a stable government and economy. The post-colonial government struggled to establish effective institutions and deal with the legacies of colonialism, such as poverty, illiteracy, and underdevelopment. In the absence of strong institutions and the rule of law, corruption became widespread, and elites used their power and connections to enrich themselves at the expense of the population. 

Following the 2019 resignation of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, social and political instability have ravaged the nation, with the revolutionary spirit at an all-time high as Algerians continue to protest their current corrupt government. Yet despite the nation’s valiant efforts to pick up the pieces of its broken democracy, France has simply stood by and watched. When presented with the perfect opportunity to begin to repair the tremendous damage it has wrought on Algeria, France has done nothing. 

Only once France takes full responsibility for their heinous colonization and offers amends to the Algerian people as well as French-colonized countries of Africa, should the Algerian government be open to relations and begin properly healing as a nation with the assistance of the French government. In the meantime, Algerians live with the memories of martyrs, mountains of skulls, and valleys of blood shed taken on the path towards its independence while the French President expresses little concern.

Les événements

The French conquest of Algeria, which began in 1830, was not merely a colonial venture, but rather an effort to extend French sovereignty over a territory that was subsequently considered an integral part of metropolitan France.4 The annexation of Algeria into French control was not limited to just political or economic influence, but also encompassed social and cultural integration with the French nation. This deep-rooted connection is emphasized through measures such as the implementation of French law and language, as well as the migration of French settlers to Algeria. The result was a colonial possession that was distinct from other French colonies, as it was viewed as a natural extension of French territory. French, Maltese, Italians, and other colonial powers all settled across Algeria, with a particular affinity for the sunny western region of Oran. It was a pleasant, comfortable way of living for many of these European settlers. However, the French characterized the groundwork for which they ruled Native Algerians through a long-standing tradition of “violence and mutual incomprehension.”5 Algerian nationalist parties, such as the Party of the Algerian People (Parti du Peuple Algérien), had existed for years prior to the revolution. It was only over time that they became increasingly more radical as they realized they wouldn’t be able to accomplish sovereignty by peaceful means. 

On October 31, 1954, Algeria’s war of independence began. The National Liberation Front (FLN) led it with the aim to restore freedom to the Algerian state and develop a social democracy once and for all. What followed was an exhausting journey towards autonomy, officially deemed as the Algerian War. Algerian nationalists fought primarily through guerilla warfare or diplomatic assistance abroad. After seven long years of battle and massacre, France and the leaders of the FLN signed a peace agreement7 to signal the end of the war. The most important fight for justice and restitution had begun. Algeria continues to fight the ghosts of its colonizers. 

The Ratonnade

There had been accounts of multiple instances in which the French exerted their authority through inhuman ways, both prior and throughout the war for Independence. Whether throughout the war or after its conclusion, the French have found endless ways to taunt Algerians and remind them of the struggles of their past. On October 17th, 1961, just as the war was approaching an end, nearly 30,000 Algerians took to the streets of France to protest against the prejudice curfew imposed onto Algerian Muslims. Authorities were determined to silence the protestors. Almost immediately after it began, police authorities began using brutal force, killing protesters and even dumping live bodies into the River Seine. Historians and officials have agreed that the death toll from that night reached well over 100.8 The French government has done little to apologize for the massacre. On its 60th anniversary, President Emmanuel Macron made an underwhelming attempt of recognition, saying the crimes done by the French police were “inexcusable.”9 Even more disturbing in this endeavor of “retribution” was the return of 24 Algerian skulls from the Musée de l’Homme in 2020. These skulls belonged to the freedom fighters of Algeria and their placement in a French museum serves as a reminder of the brutal colonial rule. In 2022, documents revealed that only six of those skulls belonged to resistance fighters,10 the remaining came from unknown origins. As expected, President Macron’s office declined to comment on the exchange. It appears the French government’s sadistic actions have now manifested as muddled political attempts at repatriation. 

Lazy Reparations

To witness the French government’s purportedly sincere and truly tolerant behavior as they attempt to restore relations with Algeria, one may observe the most recent statements made by President Macron. Just on January 12th, 2023, President Macron stated that he will not “ask for forgiveness” from Algeria for French colonization as “that word would break all of our ties.”11 The painful scars left from French imperialism have been disregarded over Macron’s career. Macron’s words have no impact unless action is being taken alongside them. 

The French government is in an era where it’s aiming to reshape its relationships with the African countries it has colonized. In the midst of doing so, they’ve made lazy, hollow commitments to repatriate colonial-era artworks and remains. While current Algerian President Abdelmadjij Tebboune has granted France access to Algeria’s resources, France has cut the number of visas to its country. According to Algerian Islamist politician, Sheikh Ali Belhadj has called Macron’s 2022 visits a “A Soft Colonization, A Robbery Of The Resources Of The Algerian People.”12 Algeria continues to suffer from the effects of colonization today. The lack of apology allows the French government to slowly creep back into the folds of Algerian politics and its rich resources. 

It is evident that France must take full responsibility for its heinous colonization and offer amends to Algeria and other French-colonized countries in Africa before any attempt at reconciliation can be made. President Macron’s recent statements regarding French colonization have been criticized as hollow, and Algeria continues to feel the lasting effects of its past.


References

[1]“The Algerian War of Independence.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.britannica.com/place/Algeria/The-Algerian-War-of-Independence. 

[2]Hamitouche, Youcef. “Educational Policy of French Colonialism in Algeria and Its Impact on Algerian Culture and Society.” Home. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://nomadit.co.uk/conference/africaknows/paper/57571#:~:text=With%20the%20French%20colonization%2C%20Algeria,spreading%20French%20education%20in%20Algeria. 

[3]Caulcutt, Clea. “Algeria’s Move to English Signals Erosion of France’s Sway.” POLITICO. POLITICO, September 2, 2022. https://www.politico.eu/article/algerias-move-to-english-signals-erosion-of-frances-global-influence/#:~:text=Arabic%20and%20Tamazight%20are%20the,iby%20a%20third%20of%20Algerians. 

[4]Noor Al-Deen, Hana. “The Evolution of Rai Music – Hana Noor Al-Deen, 2005 – Sage Journals.” Accessed February 10, 2023. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0021934704273906. 

[5]“Colonial Rule.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.britannica.com/place/Algeria/Colonial-rule. 

[6]Ibid.,  “The Algerian War of Independence”. 

[7]“French-Algerian Truce – History.” Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/french-algerian-truce. 

[8]Chemam, Melissa. “Paris Massacre: 60 Years on, France Must Face Its Colonial Past.” History | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, October 17, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/10/17/17-october-1961-60-years-on-france-must-face-its-colonial-past. 

[9]Rouaba, Ahmed. “How a Massacre of Algerians in Paris Was Covered Up.” BBC News. BBC, October 16, 2021. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-58927939. 

[10]Méheut, Constant. “France Returned 24 Skulls to Algeria. They Weren’t What They Seemed.” The New York Times. The New York Times, October 17, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/17/world/europe/france-algeria-restitution-skulls.html.

[11]“Macron Will Not Seek Algeria’s ‘Forgiveness’ for Colonialism.” Politics News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, January 12, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/12/macron-will-not-ask-algeria-for-forgiveness-over-colonialism. 

[12]“Algerian Islamists, Analysts, and Social Media Users Describe Macron’s Visit to Algeria as ‘Soft Colonization,’ Demand Apology and Reparations.” MEMRI. Middle East Media Research Institute, September 2, 2022. https://www.memri.org/reports/algerian-islamists-analysts-and-social-media-users-describe-macrons-visit-algeria-soft. 

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Israel’s Campaign Against Palestinian Olive Trees https://yris.yira.org/column/israels-campaign-against-on-palestinian-olive-trees/ Sat, 11 Mar 2023 20:44:56 +0000 http://yris.yira.org/?p=6018

“If the Olive Trees knew the hands that planted them, their oil would become tears”– Mahmoud Darwish 

Olive Oil and Life

Olive trees have been a key component of the Palestinian economy for years. From the famous Palestinian olive oil to soaps and other holistic uses, the olive tree has been used as a natural remedy all across the world. Remarkably, olive trees contribute to 14% of Palestine’s economy.1 Since agriculture is the foundation of Palestinian exports, the production of these goods provides the population with the sustenance and support it needs. Family-owned farms carry the responsibility for cultivating the trees and pressing the thousands of olives yearly for exportation. With the already high unemployment rate, it’s crucial to maintain these farms as they are the primary source of income for about 800,000 Palestinian families.2 Beyond the monetary value, olive trees have become symbolic of Palestinians attachment to their land. The trees are drought resistant and grow under harsh conditions. Many olive trees date to centuries prior to the Israeli occupation. These trees are a living reminder of resilience and their presence continues to exemplify the Palestinian plight.  

Ripping Out Roots

Since 1967, more than 800,000 Palestinian olive trees have been illegally uprooted by the Israeli authority.3 In August 2021 alone, more than 9,000 have been removed, and on February 9th2020, 50 olive trees were forcefully uprooted and destroyed in the occupied West Bank region of Salfit.4 These unprecedented attacks are mainly due to the ongoing expansion of settlements in the West Bank, which are encroaching on the livelihood of Palestinian families. Oftentimes these trees are burned in front of the families, violently ending their livelihood. Beyond physically destroying thousands of trees, Palestinian farmers face several obstacles while harvesting, such as acquiring permits. In 2020, only 24% of land access permits were approved, making it nearly impossible for Palestinian farmers to access farming land year-round.5 In the instances when permits are issued, they need to be renewed often with no guarantee of approval. Additionally, militarized Israeli forces restrict water access for the trees. Calculated attacks and vandalization of trees especially spike during the harvesting season.

Environmental Consequences

The environmental consequences of the deforestation of olive trees are devastating. In any context, the removal of trees is directly linked to irreversible climate change, soil erosion, and a reduction in crops. The perennial, woody bark acts as a carbon sink. According to the International Olive Council, the olive tree absorbs 11 kg of CO2 per liter of olive oil produced.6 Uprooting Palestinian olive trees leads to a subsequent increase in food insecurity, aesthetic degradation, and loss of vegetation. All of these result in the catastrophic decline in the livelihood of Palestinians. Israeli courts have failed to provide environmental justice for Palestinians, ultimately further oppressing Palestinian presence in occupied territories. 

Power and Poverty

The destruction and restriction of Palestinian olive trees acts as a method of economic control leveled by Israel. By clearing out groves of trees, Israel has access to more acres of land for further expansion of occupation. Socio-economic impacts include, but are not limited to, greater crime rates, land dispossession, increased police presence, and more. Not only do Palestinians lose the cultural practice of olive agriculture, but they continue to endure a clear violation of their human rights. Just in November 2022, Israeli forces uprooted and destroyed 2,000 olive trees in the Palestinian village of Qarawat Bani Hassan.7 It is apparent that Palestinian agriculture will continue to suffer at the hands of the Israeli government, and Israeli forces have no intention of stopping this brutal campaign against olive trees so long as the occupation persists. 

Rebuilding Lost Roots

Despite the decay in olive tree production, non-governmental organizations work alongside Palestinians to rebuild their lost agriculture. However, it can take up to 20 years for an olive tree to grow back and up to an additional 20 years for it to begin bearing fruit.8 It’s becoming certain that farmers who lose their trees will be unable to see another harvest in their lifetime. Families continue to lament over the loss of their land, losing thousands of years of historical practices passed through generations. As more Palestinians move towards non-agricultural jobs, uncertainty looms for the future of the olive tree as these agricultural traditions are unable to be passed down. The fate of the olive tree continues to be undetermined, but one thing is necessary: reducing the restrictions and systemic attacks projected onto Palestinian agriculture. Until then, the olive tree will continue to be threatened by Israel’s steady acquisition of the West Bank territory. 


References

[1]“Occupied Palestinian Territory Emergency Appeal 2021 – Occupied Palestinian Territory.” ReliefWeb, March 2, 2021. https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/occupied-palestinian-territory-emergency-appeal-2021. 

[2]“Olive Trees – More than Just a Tree in Palestine Olive Trees Carry More …” Accessed February 10, 2023. http://www.miftah.org/Doc/Factsheets/Miftah/English/factsheet-OliveTrees.pdf. 

[3]Haddad, Mohammed, and Zena Al Tahhan. “Infographic: Palestine’s Olive Industry.” Infographic News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, October 14, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/10/14/infographic-palestines-olive-industry#:~:text=The%20olive%20and%20olive%20oil,million%20olive%20trees%20(PDF).

[4]Ibrahim, Noor. “Why the West Bank Olive Harvest Is a Flashpoint for Conflict.” Time. Time, November 1, 2019. https://time.com/5714146/olive-harvest-west-bank/. 

[5]“Israeli Forces Uproot 2,000 Olive Trees in the West Bank.” Middle East Eye. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-palestine-forces-uproot-olive-trees-west-bank. 

[6]“Increased Restrictions on Access to Agricultural Land behind the Barrier.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/increased-restrictions-access-agricultural-land-behind-barrier. 

[7]“The Hidden Beauty of the Plants That Feed the World.” National Geographic, September 23, 2021. https://www.nationalgeographic.co.uk/environment-and-conservation/2021/09/the-hidden-beauty-of-the-plants-that-feed-the-world.

[8] Ibid., “Israeli Forces”.

[9] “How Fast Do Olive Trees Grow?” Hunker. Accessed February 10, 2023. https://www.hunker.com/13404829/how-fast-do-olive-trees-grow. 

[10] Haddad and Al Tahhan. “Infographic: Palestine’s Olive Industry.” Infographic News | Al Jazeera.

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The Ongoing Fight for Abortion Rights in Morocco https://yris.yira.org/column/the-ongoing-fight-for-abortion-rights-in-morocco/ Sun, 29 Jan 2023 01:11:43 +0000 http://yris.yira.org/?p=5974

Moroccan protestors gathered outside of parliament in Rabat with hundreds of signs that read “We are all Meriem.” Meriem was the latest victim of Morocco’s strict abortion laws, a14-year-old rape victim who had sadly lost her life undergoing an illegal abortion after being attacked by a 24-year old man. They commemorated her life on International Safe Abortion Day. The #مريم (#Meriem) has since been circulating all over Moroccan social media to express support for the victim and her sexual exploitation. It also simultaneously acts as a symbol of resistance against Morocco’s abortion laws. 

Like many other countries, Morocco has imposed an abortion ban except in the circumstance where the mother’s health is at risk. In other instances, it can be punishable by up to five years in prison. Activists are now urging lawmakers to liberalize termination of pregnancies in all circumstances and make it affordable to all. However, these protests also uncover a much larger issue – the lenient sentences that abusers, like Meriem’s, face. Additionally, the recent United States Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, leaving abortion options up to the individual states, raised concerns globally. This issue has regressed the work women’s organizations have made and has now become an increasingly more worrisome issue worldwide. From Mississippi to Morocco, many pro-choice groups have rallied against this decision and condemnedthe reduced status of women. Banning abortions poses a much larger threat to women’s rights, with an estimated 220 out of 100,000 women dying from unsafe abortions each year.2 Given this shocking statistic and the even more disturbing horror story of abortion related deaths, Moroccans are now taking it to the streets to highlight the needs of safe abortion access being a woman’s inalienable right. 

The History of Abortion in Morocco

The ruling on abortions in Morocco has been a long-standing multifaceted issue. Initially, abortion was entirely criminalized unless the mother’s life was in danger by article 453 of the Moroccan penal code.3 According to Amnesty International, this left Moroccan women to resort to unsafe, illegal abortion practices.4 In 2015, King Mohamed VI ordered the minister of Islamic Affairs and Justice to propose a new law for abortions. This debate was initially opened up by Dr. Chafik Chraibi, who began the non-profit organization the Moroccan Association for the Fight Against Clandestine Abortion.5 In 2015, a new amendment allowed for abortion in cases of rape, incest, and fetal impairment. According to Chraibi, however, much hasn’t changed. In fact, AMLAC reports 600-800 women yearly have a clandestine abortion in Morocco, which amounts to 220,000 illegal procedures yearly.6 There’s also a socioeconomic issue, where abortions are an estimate 3000 dirham, or 300 US dollars.7  For many Moroccan women, this is unaffordable. In turn, they resort to abortion procedures done by untrained medics, which further increases the likelihood of dangerous complications from abortions. 

Imprisonment 

Journalist Hajar Raissouni was arrested along with her fiancé on suspicion for carrying out an abortion. She was sentenced to one year in prison and released on a royal pardon.8 While Morocco might have legalized abortion in certain circumstances, there’s still a legitimate fear of being punished for undergoing a procedure. Being a majority Muslim country influenced heavily by patriarchal cultural practices, abortions are considered a scandal and condemned by society. Many women are coerced into marrying their rapists instead of termination. Moroccan law doesn’t consider these instances in which pregnancies can result in depression, being shunned by family members, etc. Dr. Chraibi states that in the case of illegal procedures, “As long as the secret abortion surgeries go well with no problem, the authorities do not intervene, but when something goes wrong, both mums and doctors are sent to prison”9 Women place their freedom at risk by undergoing a procedure, with the potential of being imprisoned from six months to five years. Morocco has not provided comprehensive and updated laws regarding abortions. The main battle is for Morocco to decriminalize abortions entirely. Until then, individuals will find a way around these rules.   

Solutions

On the road to fully legalizing abortion, it’s important to reduce the taboo of the topic. Providing comprehensive sex education reduces the likelihood of unwanted pregnancies for teenagers and adults alike. Research conducted by the National Center for Health statistics reported that those who received comprehensive sex education were “60% less likely to report becoming pregnant or impregnating someone.”10 While activists continue to strive for legalizing abortion, many argue against it using the principles of Islam. Morocco follows the Maliki school of Islamic thought which entirely outlaws abortion. However, Hanafi and Shafai schools allow for abortions up to 120 days of pregnancy11 only under certain circumstances. It’s crucial for Moroccan legislation to continue to liberalize abortion under Islamic beliefs, which is why many protestors advocate for the Moroccan government to shift to the Hanafi school of thought. 

More importantly, Morocco needs to implement strict and transparent punishments for rapists. In worst case scenarios, rapists are imprisoned for a few years without giving thought to the women’s psychological state. Rape victims often endure public shaming, as in the case of Khadija Okkarou. The trivialization of rape is fueled by the government’s silence, and they must take steps to address the recurring abuse of women in Moroccan society. Women’s abortion rights are a part of basic and fundamental reproductive rights. Outlawing abortion is another practiced form of violence against women and places ancient guardianship over women’s bodies. It is only when abortion is legalized that women can experience a safe procedure and detach the misogynistic belief that women are vessels for procreation. 


References

[1]“28 September.” September 28 Campaign – Official Website for the September 28 Campaign, September 13, 2022. http://www.september28.org/. 

[2]“Abortion.” World Health Organization. World Health Organization, November 25, 2021. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion. 

[3]“Abortion in Morocco: A Delicate Debate.” Middle East Eye édition française. Accessed October 4, 2022. https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/node/43413. 

[4] “Morocco: Amnesty International’s Submission in the Context of the National Debate on Abortion.” Amnesty International, June 1, 2021. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde29/1341/2015/en/. 

[5] AfricaNews. “Moroccan Women Call for the Right to Have a Legal Abortion.” Africanews. Africanews, September 29, 2022. https://www.africanews.com/2022/09/29/moroccan-women-call-for-the-right-to-have-a-legal-abortion/. 

[6]Sharif, Sa’eeda. “Alarming Abortion Numbers as Morocco Criminalization Aggravates the Situation.” رصيف 22. raseef22.net, July 28, 2022. https://raseef22.net/article/1088853-alarming-abortion-numbers-as-morocco-criminalization-aggravates-the-situation. 

[7] admin2. “Morocco Liberalizes Abortion Laws, Amends Penal Code.” International Knowledge Network of Women in Politics, April 23, 2021. https://www.iknowpolitics.org/en/news/world-news/morocco-liberalizes-abortion-laws-amends-penal-code. 

[8] “Morocco: Release of Journalist Jailed after Being Accused of Having an Abortion.” Amnesty International, August 8, 2022. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2019/10/morocco-release-of-journalist-jailed-after-being-accused-of-having-an-abortion/#:~:text=Hajar%20Raissouni%2C%20a%20journalist%20for,of%20carrying%20out%20an%20abortion. 

[9] Amraoui, Ahmed El, and Maha Naami. “Unwanted Babies and Backstreet Abortions in Morocco.” Women’s Rights | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, February 25, 2018. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2018/2/25/does-moroccos-strict-abortion-law-need-reform. 

[10] Potera, Carol. “Comprehensive Sex Education Reduces Teen Pregnancies : Ajn the American Journal of Nursing.” LWW, July 2008. https://journals.lww.com/ajnonline/fulltext/2008/07000/comprehensive_sex_education_reduces_teen.13.aspx. 

[11] admin, “Morocco Liberalizes Abortion Laws, Amends Penal Code”.

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Will Lebanon Truly Overcome its Banking Crisis? https://yris.yira.org/column/will-lebanon-truly-overcome-its-banking-crisis/ Tue, 08 Nov 2022 22:58:27 +0000 http://yris.yira.org/?p=5874

“They want us to fight with the army? We are the army!” Hundreds of Lebanese veterans stormed the parliament, protesting for higher pensions. Lebanese security forces became increasingly rough with the retired soldiers as lawmakers met to pass a controversial austerity budget. This was not the first time civilians had retaliated in protest to the unfair economic impositions from the Lebanese government. On September 16th, armed customers stormed various Lebanese banks to demand their frozen funds, all of which had been trapped in these banks due to Lebanon’s worsening economic crisis. On October 3rd, 2022, an individual forcefully withdrew $11,750 from their account. Since 2019, Lebanon has been experiencing an economic crisis which the World Bank has called “the worst globally since the mid-19th century.” The government has refused to give their citizens their money in US dollars and instead required them to exchange it at the lira rate, even though the lira has now lost more than 95% of its value since 2019.2 With the persistent decline of its economy, there is risk for Lebanon to become a failed state. Issues continue to arise as banks partially reopened throughout the first week of October. This affair has been labeled as Lebanon’s “deliberate depression,”3 an economic crisis orchestrated by Lebanon’s incompetent and corrupt elite class. As tensions continue to rise and more protestors take drastic means to access their funds, will it ever be possible for the Lebanese economy to rebuild itself?

The Final Straw

To understand the severity of this financial crisis, one must first understand the origin of the issue. Reconstruction in the wake of the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) led the country to pile up a tremendous amount of debt. State corruption and unsustainable financial practices only exacerbated the problem. Many wonder how government officials overlooked the debt for so long-how Lebanon was able to borrow that much money. Economists have described Lebanon’s financial system as a regulated Ponzi scheme4– a repetitive cycle of paying existing investors with the funds collected from brand new investors. In an attempt to hide the true severity of the debt accumulated, Lebanon began to balance the debt with tourism, foreign aid, and other methods. Additionally, those who had already left the country were sending a steady stream income back to family members, allowing them to live a comfortable life. By 2011, sectarian squabbles began to crack this facade of the Lebanese government. Because of this, banks then began offering interest rates for new deposits of the dollar.5 On the surface, it appeared that money was flowing in Underneath, however, Lebanon was experiencing severe political dysfunction. A steady rise in liabilities coupled with the surging costs of debt laid the groundwork for calamity. The final straw occurred in October 2019, when the government attempted to tax WhatsApp calls. Political unrest erupted. The lira rapidly collapsed. Lebanon’s GDP fell from $52 billion in 2019 to a mere $21.8 billion by 2021. This has been viewed as the largest economic contraction out of all 193 countries in 20216.  This drastic economic contraction only scratches the surface of the crisis’ monumental impact. Calamity after calamity – economic collapse, COVID-19, the Beirut explosion – seemingly assail Lebanon with no respite.

Consequences on Different Classes 

In most instances of economic injustice and instability, the lower class faces the harshest consequences from these events. The destructive actions of the nation’s elites, including politicians and former militia leaders, have the most drastic impacts due to their exploitative grip on the Lebanese working class. In March 2021, it was reported that four out of five Lebanese people live under the global poverty line.7 The political establishment during 2019 understood the looming threat of economic collapse yet did nothing to stop it from happening. According to Saroj Kumar Jha, World Bank Mashreq Regional Director, “Over two years into the financial crisis, Lebanon has yet to identify, least of all embark upon, a credible path toward economic and financial recovery.” Since the government lifting of subsidies in November 2021, the government has enacted a partial removal of essential medicines, leaving essential medicines in shortage and a community of individuals who now pay double for their doses.8 Corrupt leaders were once able to extract fees from the country’s private sector, severely limiting competition, job creations, and economic growth. Hundreds of thousands of children are out of school as a result of the government’s reallocation of funding from public education to private schools. This high inequality and disparity among the 82% population living in poverty9 continue to be overlooked by the Lebanese government. Although this unprecedented socioeconomic crisis affects population groups at the highest and lowest levels, those living in poverty continue to be disproportionately affected and the middle class has been decimated.10 

A Poor Parliament

Protestors took their concerns to the streets on October 17th, 2019 and demanded that corrupt political individuals step down from their positions. Though the cabinet subsequently resigned, many ruling figures who have dominated the Lebanese political scene for decades remained in power.11 The Lebanese governmentwas unable to organize a government: politicians loosely advocated for reform and instead prioritized how much income they could distribute amongst their respective population sects, whether they be Sunnis, Shias, Maronites, or Druzes. After two years of suffering at the hands of an unstable government, the Lebanese parliamentary elections finally took place in May 2022. At the time, these elections were a glimmer of hope amidst harsh conditions. Thirteen new independent candidates received seats in the parliament,12 a crucial first step towards political reform. However, major challenges continue to lie ahead as forming a cabinet and electing a president become critical to rebuilding the nation. Lebanon’s former president, Michel Aoun, recently ended his term on October 31st, 2022. With the approaching deadline, countries such as Saudi Arabia, France, and the US have called upon Lebanese rulers to urgently elect a new president. These countries have voiced their support for Lebanon’s “sovereignty, security, and stability.”13 Without election of a new President, fear persists that Lebanon will once again enter a period of complacent officials and a vacant presidency. Pressure remains on parliamentary officials to elect a new president who will impose transparency and effectively work towards rebuilding Lebanon’s economy.

Moving Forward

Regardless of the shape a new government takes, it is crucial that Lebanon develops a strategy to ensure stabilization and prevent a continuous cycle of economic despair. It is also critical to enforce rules that will reduce the likelihood of future economic collapse. Lebanese authorities and the International Monetary Fund agreed in April 2022 on a reform plan to rebuild the economy and strengthen governance.14 This comprehensive plan includes strengthening governance and transparency, increasing social and reconstruction planning, and more. It is now important for parliamentary groups to collaborate in implementing this plan. Independent parliamentarians must also work together to push for reform, putting their sectarian differences aside for the greater good. Inefficient institutions must be rebuilt to serve the people rather than corrupt politicians. The people’s needs must be provided for with full clarity. The government should resist resorting to violence during unrest and shift their focus on economic improvement. This could be accomplished by enabling human capital development, improving core economic infrastructure, outsourcing certain public services, and more.15  Financial stabilization is needed alongside ambition and determination. Only then will the Lebanese people’s confidence in the government be restored. Should stagnation persist, the Lebanese people have demonstrated to the world that protest can be turned into viable political action with genuine impact. This country has gained the nickname of “The Pearl of the Middle East.” Like a pearl, its beauty has been shaped under severe duress. From the 1958 Crisis to the 2020 Beirut Explosion, Lebanon has time and time again demonstrated a profound resilience to rebuild itself from the ground up. 


 References

[1] Reuters,Thomson. “Factbox: Just How Bad Is Lebanon’s Economic Crisis?” September 14, 2022. https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/just-how-bad-is-lebanons-economic-crisis-2022-09-14/. 

[2] Saad, Hwaida, and Jane Arraf. “Desperate Clients Hold up Lebanese Banks to Get Their Own Cash.” The New York Times. The New York  Times, September 16, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/16/world/middleeast/lebanon-banks-economic-crisis.html. 

[3] World Bank Group. “Lebanon’s Crisis: Great Denial in the Deliberate Depression.” World Bank. World Bank Group, January 24, 2022. https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2022/01/24/lebanon-s-crisis-great-denial-in-the-deliberate-depression. 

[4] Blair, Edmund. “Explainer: Lebanon’s Financial Crisis and How It Happened.” Reuters. Thomson Reuters, January 23, 2022. https://www.reuters.com/markets/rates-bonds/lebanons-financial-crisis-how-it-happened-2022-01-23/. 

[5] WorldBank, 2022.

[6] WorldBank, 2022.

[7] “Lebanon: Un Expert Warns of ‘Failing State’ amid Widespread Poverty.” OHCHR, May 11, 2022. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/05/lebanon-un-expert-warns-failing-state-amid-widespread-poverty. 

[8] Fleifel, Mohamad, and Khaled Abi Farraj. “The Lebanese Healthcare Crisis: An Infinite Calamity.” Cureus. Cureus, May 26, 2022. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9235031/. 

[9] Dabaj, Kassem. “Lebanon: Almost Three-Quarters of the Population Living in Poverty | | 1UN News.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed November 5, 2022. https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1099102. 

[10] Kranz, Michal, 2022 Agence France-Presse | AFP | Nov 5, 2022 Jonathan SAWAYA | AFP | Nov 5, and 2022 by Clement Melki and Layal Abou Rahal | AFP | Nov 5. “Lebanon’s Economic Crisis Is Decimating Its Middle Class.” Al. Accessed November 5, 2022. https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/05/lebanon-middle-class-poverty-economic-crisis.html. 

[11] “The Unprecedented Mass Protests in Lebanon Explained.” Amnesty International, August 13, 2021. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/11/lebanon-protests-explained/.

[12] Gallagher, Adam. “Amid Historic Crisis, Has a New Hope Emerged in Lebanon?” United States Institute of Peace, June 23, 2022. https://www.usip.org/publications/2022/06/amid-historic-crisis-has-new-hope-emerged-lebanon. 

[13] Haboush, Joseph. “US, Saudi Arabia, France Call on Lebanese Officials to Elect President without Delay.” Al Arabiya English. Al Arabiya English, September 21, 2022. https://english.alarabiya.net/News/middle-east/2022/09/22/US-Saudi-Arabia-France-call-on-Lebanese-officials-to-elect-president-without-delay. 

[14] Gallagher,  “Amid Historic Crisis, Has a New Hope Emerged in Lebanon?” ,2022.

[15] Khallouf, Jad. “Resolving Lebanon’s Financial Crisis – Jad Khallouf *.” Commerce du Levant, January 22, 2020. https://www.lecommercedulevant.com/article/29577-resolving-lebanons-financial-crisis.

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