“Agus gurab as an uaigh so agus as na huaghannaibh atá inar dtimcheall éireochas saoirse Ghaedheal”; And that from this grave and from the graves which surround us is the eloquence of the freedom of the Gaels.
– Patrick Pearse[1]
Introductory Note
In a matter of months, Ireland will erupt into the 106th commemoration of a six-day massacre of its people. By all accounts a failure, the world watched the Easter Rising unfold into a mass execution of rebel leaders and the devastation of Dublin, yet the Irish people came out of the revolution emboldened with nationalistic fervor and a penchant for independence. The following paper will explore the case study of the 1916 Easter Rising through the lens of Irish nationalism and with recognition of the ongoing Great War. It will argue that the rebellion transformed existing Anglo-Irish and intra-Irish tensions into a distinct nationalistic spirit that directly accelerated freedom movements both inside and outside the nation and gave rise to the partitioning and current status of Ireland and Northern Ireland. This paper will account for the rise of Irish nationalism with reference to Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities. It affords particular engagement to his approach that nationalism ought “to be understood, by aligning it not with self-consciously held political ideologies, but with large cultural systems that preceded it, out of which — as well as against which — it came into being.”[2] It will further entertain Anderson’s notion of the nation as “an imagined political community” with respect to Irish nation-building both predating and following the Easter Rising.[3] This will allow greater demonstration of the Rising as a catalyst to existing Irish nationalism through the subsequent War of Independence, partition of Ireland, and symbolic Easter 1949 declaration of official Irish independence. Exploration of the growth of Irish nationalism as an ordering factor of international relations will be conducted with deference to the partition of Ireland as a template for the later Palestinian and Indian partitions and as a reference for future global interventions. The Easter Rising will be additionally argued to have undermined English power and facilitated the collapse of the British hegemony.
A Critique of Methodological Solipsism in Observation of Pre-Easter Rising Intra-Irish and Anglo-Irish Divisions
Tensions in Ireland long predated the Easter Rising, and a recognition of the ethno-cultural and religious divisions is essential to understanding the existence and evolution of Irish nationalism.[4] To accurately explain the emergence of the stimulated Irish republicanism involved in and following the Easter Rising it is necessary to understand the evolution of pre-existing nationalisms. In a compelling analysis on the historiography of Irish ideology, Northern Irish historian Richard English provides insight to the preeminence of “methodological solipsism” in historical scholarship on the subject.[5] To concur with this view, the evolution and existence of nationalism may only be understood with regard to the existing intricacies of religious and factional tensions within Ireland: intricacies which, regrettably, can be merely touched upon in this writing. The existence of Protestantism, Catholicism, and Anglicism can be argued to have formulated the cores of competing Irish nationalisms. The later partition of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland allows reflection on the true scale of this separatory sentiment between Anglo-favoring Protestants and traditionally Celtic Catholics.[6] More so, the later “Troubles” of Northern Ireland would see the Irish Republican Army plague the community with acts of terrorism for years to come and force English intervention.[7] Thus, prior to the Easter Rising, there arguably existed a plurality of strong nationalistic sentiments, however, these nationalisms lacked substantial progression due to overarching disunity.
In addition to intra-Irish tensions, the Easter Rising and Irish nationalism must be placed in the context of political conflict between Britain and Ireland. The geographical and political intertwinement of the nations has long made up the Anglo-Celtic battleground.[8] In addition to the aforementioned religious underpinnings, Irish Republicanism grew out of the desire for political freedom and autonomy from the British regime. “The Fenians”—The Irish Republican Brotherhood formed in 1858—represented an apt touchstone of the nature of growing Irish resistance to British ruling at the time: secret.[9] The Fenians worked as a covert governing order of their desired Irish Republic and provided the framework and leadership for the failed 1916 Easter Rising. The 1905 birth of the political group Sinn Féin (Gaelic for “We Ourselves”) and growth of the Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army would go on to represent more violent revolutionary roots of Irish Republicanism and the nationalist movement; however, prior to the Rising, the movement garnered little public interest. It was not until the execution of revolutionary leadership that extreme Republican nationalism took hold in Ireland on a political and public scale.[10] It was the increasingly violent, though small in nature, clashes between England and Ireland which prompted the government to pass the 1911 “Home Rule Bill”,named the Government of Ireland Act 1914, which scheduled Irish autonomy under British control.[11] Reactions in Ireland varied as the Northern Irish Ulster region, predominantly unionist, violently rejected the notion: a sentiment which was met with celebration by Irish republicans.[12] The outbreak of the First World War soon curbed this bill’s implementation with an immediate 12-month suspension and effectively shattered hopes for a peaceful transition.
The arrival and onset of WWI in 1914 interrupted the heightening Anglo-Irish conflict and diverted English attention from its inner turmoil. Within Ireland, divisions sharpened between the Ulster unionists and within the Irish nationalist parties—a precursor to the post-war partition.[13] While the war saw a tentative truce in the face of larger scale conflict, it also acted to embolden radical Irish nationalists in their pursuit of political liberty as they began to seek aid from the enemies of Britain and international Irish populations. Damning correspondence from British public servant Sir Roger Casement to Germany lends itself to the strength of the nationalist spirit. “May it be found when German Science begins its great voyage for the freeing of the seas that the Irish Diodon was indeed the wrong fish for the World Shark to swallow.”[14] Casement would soon be executed for treason to the British state and become widely regarded as a true martyr of the Irish cause. The wit of his analogy in reference to the seas, the known source of British prowess, as a jab against the English regime should not be overlooked. However, while compelling in spirit, Casement and the nationalist cause received little help from Germany. Rather, the cause saw, arguably, its greatest international ally in Irish nationalists of the United States.[15] Propagandic posters depicted the Fenian brotherhood with clovered American flags and a secret Irish society of Philadelphia, Clan na Gael, went so far as to meet with German diplomats for the negotiation of arms: which were to be lost at sea upon their sending.[16] Irish allies in the United States provided monetary aid but failed to send additional arms. Regardless, the Irish nationalist cause was quickly moving into the international scene. By Easter 1916, nationalists saw their opportunity for insurrection and in the famed Proclamation of the Republic thanked their “exiled children in America and gallant allies in Europe” for their faithful support.[17]
British Reaction to the Easter Rising: The True Catalyst to Irish Nationalism
Monday, April 24th to Saturday, April 29th the aforementioned Irish nationalists overtake Dublin, proclaiming an Irish Republic for six days before a rapid and bloody defeat. Planning miscalculations and little public support for the insurrection resulted in its utter failure.[18] But it was the British reaction and brutal repression of the Rising which mobilized the Irish public and catalyzed Ireland into a state of unity. Following the defeat of the rebellion, British command moved through a series of secret trials to immediately execute.[19] News of the leaders’ deaths, particularly Connolly, incited public revulsion. The murdered leaders were hailed as martyrs and the Irish cause for independence finally gained national traction.
To engage with Anderson, Irish nationalism grew “from the large cultural systems that preceded it, out of which — as well as against which — it came into being.”[20] It was the sheer strength of emotion actualized through the Easter Rising that acted as the catalyst to the nationalist movement. With regard to the Irish cause, the competition between traditional Gaelic culture and forced Anglicism worked to advance the case for Irish republicanism, albeit slowly. Prior to the Easter Rising, revolutionaries had lacked the public support necessary to incite change. However, by the time public approval had finally been garnered following the Rising, it was the subliminal, long-term growth of this animosity which acted as the backbone of the rebellion. While the triumph of nationalistic spirit was saved until the events following the Easter Rising, the centuries long grating of Gaelic and English vernaculars, society, and religions grew the foundation for the nationalist movement. Notably, under the 35 years of Irish Home Rule Party leadership, the “Gaelic speakers decreased by a third of a million.”[21] Irish nationalists recognized that the already relatively scarce roots of Irish culture would continue to grow scarcer under English policy and the lack of Irish mobilization.
Anderson’s proposal that nationalism ought to be regarded as an “imagined community” can also be understood in a theological context.[22] The religious symbolism of the Rising allowed for widespread sympathy towards Republican leaders and their martyrdom. Anderson’s notion of the religious community is aptly shown in his depiction of religious thought as a precursor to nationalism which explores “the element of fatality [as] essential.”[23] The competing nationalisms and factions of Ireland notably share the Christian faith. Though practiced in different manners and under different rules, the Catholic and Protestant faiths share the celebration of Easter and frown upon murderous intent.[24] Anderson’s perspective provides an explanation for the strength of the emotional response to British cruelty and the martyrdom of the nationalist movement. It was the crucial placement of the Rising on Easter Monday which related the deaths of Republican leadership to that of Christ. Through this symbolism the religious community’s beliefs became connotatively associated with, and integrated into, the nationalist movement. Irish historian Ó hAdhmaill concurs with Anderson’s perception of fatality and notes the aftermath of the Easter Rising as a religious incendiary for the public that set the stage for the following political overtake.[25] It was this ideological component that created the unity necessary for the coming Irish revolution as the Great War entered its close.
Ireland as an International Template for Partition and Detractor of British Hegemony
The Easter Rising induced a transformation of public opinion toward the Republican cause, inciting almost immediate political action. In the 1918 election, Sinn Féin won majority seats in parliament with strong public backing; and by 1919, the Irish War of Independence had begun. The resolution of the conflict saw the British partitioning of Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921.[26] The newly appointed Northern Ireland (notably the Ulster region) would remain a part of the United Kingdom while the now self-governing Irish Free State would be associated only as a dominion of the British Commonwealth.[27] A continuation and forced resolution to the long standing religious divides between the Protestants and Catholics. The partition brought about Civil War in the Irish Free.[28]
On the international scale, however, the partition was to be replicated as a template of conflict resolution in the post-WWI era. Markedly, the almost simultaneous partitioning of India and Palestine by Great Britain in 1947. In Dubnov and Robson’s Partitions: A Transnational History of Twentieth-Century Territorial Separatism, it is noted that partition “led not to the stabilization of conflict but to… long-term geopolitical deferral”.[29] This was reflected in the actual geographical border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State not being established until 1925. The destabilization of Ireland was largely ignored after the signing of the 1921 treaty and it became internationally viewed as a British success; however, this is not to diminish the injury to British hegemony that Ireland inflamed by proving English ineptitude within its island territory. In response to this perceived success, Britain moved to follow this model in the proposed partition of Palestine in 1937 and the later “actual” 1947 partition by the United Nations.[30] The division shared with the Irish, chronological commonalities of ongoing international and intranational conflict. And, like Ireland, Palestine had long been plagued by ethnic and religious demarcations. While there had existed this component, it was the tremendous displacement of the Jewish community following WWII that exacerbated the Arab-Jewish conflict to the point of what the United Nations deemed necessary intervention. The nationalistic revival of the Zionist community had been steadily growing for decades, but it was the Jewish decimation of WWII which seemed to represent the final push.[31] Examination of Resolution 181 (II) by the United Nations, sees an acknowledgement that the resolution calls for the removal of the British presence “with plans to complete its evacuation of Palestine” from the partitioned states.[32] This represents the diminishing power of the United Kingdom which echoes that of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921, where “for the first time in an official UK document, the term ‘Commonwealth’ was used as an alternative to ‘Empire.’”[33]
The case of the Indian partition furthers reflection on the Irish template. As within Ireland and Palestine, clear religious divisions plagued the nation: Hinduism and Islamism. Returning to Dubnov and Robson’s analysis, the violence of rebellions in partitioned India set an example for future bloodshed.[34] Currently, both India and its partition, Pakistan, hold nuclear weapons, and the violence of the partition stokes the fear of nuclear retaliation between the two.[35] This can be related to the post-partition Irish Civil War, the “Troubles” of Northern Ireland, and the terrorism of the IRA and to the ongoing battles between Palestine and Israel. In fact, analysis of the Irish, Palestinian, and Indian conflicts sees ongoing effects on the divided nationalisms of the respective states and can be regarded as influential on their current policies. Reference to the partitions as “tragedies” is an apt representation of the perpetual effects of partition on nationalistic sentiments and state behavior.[36]
What Constitutes a Revolution?
It cannot be denied that the effects of the Easter Rising continue to dominate global politics. It is, therefore, with mixed emotions that the Irish example is to be regarded in its ordering of the international. Ireland’s intranational climate allowed for the growth of nationalism through cultural distinctions and opposition to English rule, but it was the violence of repression which unified Irish nationalisms into a force for independence that directly caused the partition of Ireland and subsequent wars. Anderson’s thesis and notes on culture are recognized to be thoroughly demonstrated in analysis of this study. This does not suggest agreement with all parts of Anderson’s novel, but rather a nod to his emphasis on religious and cultural movements in creating the “imagined community” of the Irish nation.[37]
A focus on the direct impact of the expression of Irish nationalism in the Easter Rising saw the involvement of the international community and the ordering of international relations. Sympathy from Germany and the United States saw Irish expatriates gain public traction and the undermining of British rule as members of these nations moved against the empire. The partitioning of Ireland would also form the British template for the partitions of, most notably, Palestine and India. While British intervention was certainly not a novel occurrence, the practice of partition was only popularized following that of Ireland, which was widely viewed as a success. The Irish nationalism of the Easter Rising continues to have a robust impact in both Ireland and the international community; to be remembered as an endeavor which will assuredly perpetuate for years to come.
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References:
[1] Pearse, Patrick. “Graveside Oration at the Funeral of Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa” (August 1915).
[2]Anderson, Benedict. “Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism” Verso (1983), p 12.
[3] Ibid., p 16.
[4] English, Richard. “History and Irish Nationalism.” Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 147 (2011): 447–60.
[5] Ibid., pp 458-60; “University of Alberta Dictionary of Cognitive Science: Methodological Solipsism.”
[6] Weaver, Stewart. “100 Years on: The Partition of Ireland Explained Why Was Ireland Divided?” (2021).
[7] World Bank. “The ‘Troubles’ of Northern Ireland: Understanding Civil War” (2005).
[8] “Languages and Religions of the U.K. and Ireland.” National Geographic (2012); “Ireland and Britain: 800 Years of Conflict” (30 Jan 2016).
[9] History Ireland. “The Irish Republican Brotherhood” (March 8, 2013).
[10] Mac Manus, Seumas. “Sinn Féin.” The North American Review Vol. 185, no. No. 621 (August 16, 1907): 825-36; Cowell-Meyers, K. and Arthur, Paul. “Sinn Féin.” Encyclopedia Britannica (January 26, 2021).
[11] Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopedia. “Home Rule.” Encyclopedia Britannica (September 15, 2010); UK Parliament. “Government of Ireland Act 1914” (September 18, 1914).
[12] Leeson, D.M. “Post-War Conflict (Great Britain and Ireland).” In International Encyclopedia of the First World War (January 27, 2016).
[13] Ibid.
[14] Casement, Sir Roger. “Ireland, Germany, and Europe” (1911).
[15] BBC News. “Easter Rising 1916: How an Irish Rebellion Sought International Help,” sec. Northern Ireland (March 24, 2016).
[16] Ibid.
[17] Pearse, Patrick. “Proclamation of the Republic” (April 24, 1916).
[18] Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopedia. “Easter Rising.” Encyclopedia Britannica (November 30, 2021).
[19] Ginnell and Tennant. “Execution of James Connolly” (May 30, 1916).
[20] Ibid., p 12.
[21] Mac Manus, Seumas. “Sinn Féin.” The North American Review, Vol. 185, no. No. 621 (August 16, 1907): 825-36.
[22] Anderson, Benedict. “Imagined Communities,” p 16.
[23] Ibid., p 44.
[24] “Ten Commandments.” In A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by W. R. F. Browning, Oxford Biblical Studies Online.
[25] Ó hAdhmaill, Féilim. “The Easter Rising (1916) in Ireland and Its Historical Context: The Campaign for an Irish Democracy.” ResearchGate (2019).
[26] Mulhall, Ambassador Daniel. “The Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921.” Department of Foreign Affairs (December 6, 2021) ; “Irish Free State.” In Wikipedia, (March 11, 2022). ; Britain, and Ireland. “The Anglo-Irish Treaty, 1921” (December 6, 1921).
[27] Editors, History com. “Easter Rising.” HISTORY (January 25, 2019).
[28] Reeves, Chris. “‘Let Us Stand by Our Friends’: British Policy Towards Ireland, 1949-59.” Irish Studies in International Affairs 11 (2000): 85–102.
[29] Dubnov, Arie M, and Laura Robson. Partitions: A Transnational History of Twentieth-Century Territorial Separatism. Redwood City: Stanford University Press (2019), p 6.
[30] Ibid., p 7.
[31] Shwadran, Benjamin. “The Emergence of the State of Israel.” The Journal of Educational Sociology 22, no. 3 (1948).
[32] General Assembly, United Nations. “Resolution Adopted on the Report of the AD HOC Committee on the Palestinian Question” (November 29, 1947).
[33] Britain, and Ireland. “The Anglo-Irish Treaty, 1921” (December 6, 1921).
[34] Dubnov, Arie M, and Laura Robson. “Partitions: A Transnational History,” pp 14-16.
[35] Toon, Owen B., et al.“Rapidly expanding nuclear arsenals in Pakistan and India portend regional and global catastrophe.” ScienceAdvances (October 2, 2019).
[36] Dubnov, Arie M, and Laura Robson. “Partitions: A Transnational History,” p 27.
[37] Anderson, Benedict. “Imagined Communities,” p 13.