“Today’s north does not extract love from the south by force: there are no colonial officers in tan helmets, no invading armies, no ships bearing arms sailing off to the colonies. Instead, we see a benign scene of Third World women pushing baby carriages, elder care workers patiently walking, arms linked, with elderly clients on streets or sitting beside them in First World parks.”
Arlie Russell Hochschild in ‘Love and Gold’ (2002)
This piece was published in the Winter Issue Print Edition (Volume 11)
On August 07, 2017, hundreds of activists took to the streets of New York to protest the terrible working conditions of home healthcare workers in America. ‘Home’ which is considered to be a place of safety had been turned into a site of exploitation for these workers. The protest was sparked due to a lawsuit filed by two Filipino women, Edith Mendoza and Sherile Pahagas, against their employer, the Kohlers.[1] The women were paid less than the minimum wage and were forced to work 90 hours a week. They were not paid for overtime and were not allowed to take any days off from work. “I don’t want them to do this to another Filipina or anyone else”, Pahagas expressed.[2] However, Pahagas and Mendoza are not alone; their lives are also the reality of many home healthcare workers.
By drawing on similar experiences of Filipino home healthcare workers in America, the paper will problematize the ethicality of home healthcare. It will argue that the practice of home healthcare in America is embedded in a system of colonial relations, and thus, the care that is ‘extracted’ leads to the emotional imperialism of the caregivers. To do so, the paper has been divided into broad sections. First, it will trace the origins of feminization of international migration to highlight the role of neoliberal strategies in the construction of a global care crisis. Second, by focusing on the case study of America’s home healthcare sector, the paper will bring out postcolonial entanglements to the migration flow of Filipino women into America. Third, it will analyze the consequences of caregiving for these workers within the space of ‘home’. Fourth, the paper will bring together the findings of postcolonial entanglements and ‘care drain’ to establish the emotional imperialism of the caregivers. Lastly, the paper will suggest an ethical reconceptualization of home healthcare to account for the global structures of power that govern this sector.
I. Feminization of International Migration and the Global Care Crisis
In 2019, the global number of international migrants reached an estimated 272 million.[3] Of these migrants, over 10.4 million migrants are from the Philippines and are located in 200 countries as permanent, temporary, or irregular migrants.[4] The United States of America is one of the most common places of work for Filipino migrants. As of 2018, there are 4.1 million Filipinos in the United States.[5] Migration has long been seen as a male-dominated arena. Interestingly, in recent times, women have also migrated in large numbers to different parts of the world. Women’s participation in the (health) care sector has been increasingly high. As of May 2020, women account for 75% of the immigrants entering the healthcare sector in the U.S., and this number is even larger while referring to the sub-field of home-based healthcare.[6]
Home Health Care is a facility way of receiving care in the comfort of one’s home. Often used for children or the elderly, these care workers engage in Activities of Daily Living (ADLs) such as bathing, feeding, walking, assisting with any equipment (such as wheelchairs), and providing emotional support to the person.[7] Care workers also provide indirect personal care services such as cooking, cleaning, laundry, housekeeping, and maintenance, which are necessary for the comfort of members of the house. In America, 92% of all home-healthcare workers are immigrant women, with a large proportion of them being from the Philippines.[8] The increasing migration of women and their subsequent employment in the care sector is a response to what is known as the ‘care crisis’. Neoliberal policies have played a major role in the creation of this ‘care crisis’ which results in a ‘pull to care’ for the Global North, and a ‘push for care’ for the Global South.
Care Crisis: A ‘Pull for Care’
‘Pull for care’ refers to the role of neoliberal policies in generating a demand for migrant caregivers because of both women’s increasing participation in the ‘productive workforce’ and also the privatization of care.[9] ‘Privatization of care’ refers to the declining role of the state in providing services of care to its citizens. Receding spending in care services has put the sector of the care work largely in the ambit of private, voluntary, and non-profit actors. Moreover, certain demographic factors also play an important role in the creation of a care crisis. Rising divorce rates and lower marriage rates, along with the increasing employment of women outside of the home, and the decline of the welfare state, result in a vacuum of care (or a ‘pull for care’) to be filled by migrant women caregivers.[10]
Care Crisis: A ‘Push to Care’
For developing countries, the care crisis is a ‘push to care’. This ‘push’ is largely created by a neoliberal ideology which dictates structural adjustment policies for developing countries.[11] Structural adjustment policies are a set of economic policies that a country is bound to adhere to in order to be eligible to secure a loan from international organizations like the World Bank. Facilitated by international agencies such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, have led to government debts. Some argue that mounting government debts have subsequently led to cutbacks of state spending on education, health, and childcare services.[12] The result of this is an increased burden on the women of poor countries to provide for care for their families. Emigration is one of the options available for these women to earn income to support their families. Thousands of women emigrate to rich countries every year in search of jobs. These women are integrated into the healthcare sector because of the vacuum of care present there. Thus, neoliberal strategies play an important role in the creation and sustenance of a global crisis of care.
While the creation of global care crisis can be understood through the lens of neoliberal strategies, it is worth mentioning that they might not be able to explain the fixed flows of migration. Migration isn’t a random act of movement. Migration is highly structured and conditioned.[13] This structuring often has colonial or historical traces to it. Filipino women have continued to be one of the largest groups of people to migrate to America every year. The next section will delve into this topic to identify the reasons for a fixed migration flow of Filipino women into America.
II. Postcolonial Intimacies: A Case Study of Care Workers in the United States of America
Due to the growing vacuum of care within households, more and more women are being employed as home-based care givers. As mentioned earlier, a large proportion of these women are from the Philippines. It is no coincidence that the pattern of migration flows from the Philippines to the United States of America. A careful study of the history of America’s actions in Philippines reveals that this migrant flow has been facilitated by the colonial relationship between the two countries.
A study of these actions highlights a web of postcolonial intimacies between the two countries. Postcolonial intimacy refers to the sense of ‘proximity, entanglements, and mutuality’ between the countries.[14] It explores the historic entanglement of the two countries. The relationship can be traced back to the Pensionado Act of 1903 wherein the U.S. Army hired several Filipino women as contract nurses trained and trained them in healthcare work in order to fight the shortage of healthcare professionals in America.[15] Their training was specific to the problems of the Americans. These women then set up multiple nursing schools in the Philippines with the same Americanized model which started a trend of Filipino nurses training themselves to serve Americans. In 1948, the U.S. State Department initiated an Exchange Visitor’s Program to combat Soviet propaganda.[16] This program allowed many visitors from other countries to visit the U.S. and learn about American culture. A majority of these visitors were Filipino nurses who, in need of better wages, were training to flee to America for a job. The program also allowed for these nurses to immigrate to the U.S. without pre-arranged employment.[17] As a result of this, many Filipino women entered the U.S without jobs. Often they would end up failing the nursing board exam, and thus, were forced to use their nursing skills for ‘low-skilled’ carework to make ends meet. This carework was often outside the hospital and inside the house.
One of the advertisements for Filipino nurses in the 1940s promised “bright futures” for the people who came to the U.S. for nursing.[18] “If you’re not happy… why not go somewhere else? We can’t promise that you’ll find happiness, but we can help you chase it all over the place,” another advertisement claimed.[19] These catchphrases and advertisements were marketing strategies for the United States, who considered the Philippines as an extension of its control and used it to fill up its shortage of careworkers. Decades later, while the Philippines no longer remains a colony, its entanglements with the United States of America still exist. Aspirations of better pay, earning for their family, and better standards of living are still some of the leading drivers of migration for Filipino women.
Another major aspect of postcolonial entanglements is the ‘mutuality’ between the countries. This refers to the mutual influence of the countries on each other. While referring to this very mutuality between America and the Philippines, Catherine Choy, author of Empires of Care, stated:
We often think about the Philippines as an extension of the United States, as a colonial possession, as an extension of U.S. ideology… But what we ought to think about is how the United States is also an extension of the Philippines.” [20]
Choy argues that Filipino care workers, whose nursing practices have Americanized since their colonialization, also influence the American healthcare system.[21] The rise of traditional Philippine therapies such as hilot, faith healing, and the use of medicinal plants can be attributed to the influence of Filipino care workers in America.[22] However, the aspect of ‘mutuality’ differs in the context of geographies of care. Care, when provided in geographies such as of a hospital, community care centers, etc., operate within a framework of labor laws, rights, and redressal mechanisms. Such features are absent in the geography of the ‘home’. The geography of the ‘home’ enables an unregulated interaction of these postcolonial entanglements. Traditional conceptualization of the home reifies a public/private dichotomy wherein ‘work’ performed inside the house is devalued. Moreover, because of the influence of patriarchal norms on labor relations, women entering the field of home healthcare are marked with a ‘low price tag’ for their work.[23] Their ‘low price tag’ allows for them to be exploited for as much labor as possible. The next section of the paper will elaborate upon the geography of home to highlight its impact on the nature of care relations within the household.
III. Geographies of Care: What Role Does the ‘Home’ Play?
Geographies play an important role in defining the arrangements of caregiving and care receiving.[24] Increasingly, migrants are being employed in homes for providing healthcare. One of the reasons for this is the provision of being taken care of within the comfort of one’s home. Services in America such as home-based nurses, nannies, and Rent-A-Mom are all facilities which are replacing nurseries, community drop-in centres, and hospitals.[25] [26] These services provide personalised care and nourishment – all for a fee. In the United States of America, home-based healthcare is one of the fastest growing industries.[27] However, the geography of the home in a neoliberal economy in such that it is devoid of any worker protections. The absence of labor laws, standardized wages, and redressal mechanisms have resulted in an excess of ‘emotional labour.’
Coined by A.R. Hochschild, the term ‘emotional labour’ refers to the performance of emotions, care and nurturing for a fee. This is also what is known as ‘emotional proletarianism’. Emotional Proletarianism refers to the production of authentic emotion in exchange for a wage.[28] While conventional ‘productive’ labor which happens in factories and industries is controlled and exploited by the state or the market, emotional labor is controlled (and exploited) by the person in-charge of the home. This rigid dichotomy between the home and the outside has led to the creation of an unregulated home healthcare sector. It has been estimated that less than 15% of home-based long-term care workers are formally employed.[29] More than half of these workers are undocumented.[30] Those who have been informally employed often lack the labor rights required for the protection of their emotional labor and are subjected to exploitation.
Home healthcare workers face multiple negative consequences as a result of the absence of a legal framework. The caregivers are often vulnerable to the demands of their employers and have a high-risk of physical, sexual, or economic abuse.[31] The employers often use tactics of abuse to establish control over the caregivers. In fact, it has been found that a lot of households prefer caregivers that are undocumented and less-educated so that they can have more power and control over them.[32] It was reported that 44% of Filipino migrants know another domestic worker who had experienced physical abuse, 27% of them knew someone who had experienced sexual harassment, and 22.4% knew someone who had been raped.[33] There have also been multiple instances of withholding of payments, passports, and other legal documents.[34] At the risk of being vulnerable to such abuses, caregivers often comply with the demands of their employer. Exploitation of their emotional labor by the employer also has several consequences on the physical health of the caregiver. A study reported that domestic caregivers are prone to burns, chronic hand/wrist pathology, head injuries, eye injuries, blindness, musculoskeletal strains/ sprains, and amputations.[35] It also mentioned that female care workers often complain of long-term fatigue, chronic hunger, falls from picking up heavy equipment, and musculoskeletal strains and injuries caused by heavy lifting .[36]
The story of Mendoza and Pahagas mentioned at the start of this paper echoes this emotional labor, whose control was in the hands of the employer. The women were promised $10 per hour for a 35-hour work week, plus a room and meals. “It all turned out to be lies,” explained Mendoza.[37] The workers worked for around 90 hours a week and ended up making only $350 a week.[38] They were also not allowed to go to the doctors or miss work for any emergency. “I am a human, not a robot… I don’t want to die like this”, one of them complained while talking about the extreme exhaustion caused by overworking.[39] The judgement of the lawsuit filed by the care workers stated that the act of employing caregivers in a domestic setting is not an ‘official act’.[40] In this way, the geography of care also came to define the nature of care relations. In the context of the ‘home’, not only was the power in the hands of the household owner, but there were also no possibilities of unionization or legal ways for them to seek justice.
It is evident that the constant extraction and exploitation of emotional labor from immigrants leads to the chronic deterioration of health and quality of life for these caregivers. This pattern of consistent extraction of care of Filipino women, given their postcolonial entanglements with the United States of America, resembles a pattern of a new kind of imperialism. As compared to ‘traditional’ imperialism, this new form of ‘emotional imperialism’ does not target material resources but rather care and emotional labor.
IV. Emotional Imperialism – Care Chains and Care Drains
The concept of ‘emotional imperialism’ states that global care chains lead to the maldistribution of the Third World emotional commons.[41] Emotional commons refer to work or labour that is highly dependent on emotional inputs such as care. Following, from this, Global Care Chains are the personal links between caregivers who distribute these emotional commons. The following is an example of a care chain:[42]
- First Link: An older daughter from a poor family in a Third World country cares for her siblings
- Second Link: While her mother works as a nanny caring for the children of a nanny migrating to a First World country
- Third Link: This nanny, in turn, cares for the child of a family in a rich country
The Global Care Chains highlight a sense of dependency among caregivers and establishes transnational connections. However, it also highlights the care drains experienced by the countries which make-up the first link in the chain. These countries are often poor and belong to the Global South. Thus, the global care chains lead to deficits of care being administered in poor countries. These care deficits are also known as ‘care drains’.[43] Care drain refers to the extraction of care and love from poor countries. Every year thousands of villages and cities see mothers, daughters, and grandmothers leave their homes behind in an attempt to provide care to the homes of the First World. This “desertification of Third World caregivers” leads to a new kind of imperialism: emotional imperialism.[44] This imperialism does not involve physical acts of force such as deployment of troops or policing. However, this does not imply the absence of coercion. In emotional imperialism, coercion takes place through the conditions of the poorer country that forces women to provide their care to someone else. This emotional imperialism also has several negative consequences for the homes that were left behind. A report published by the World Health Organization revealed that the children of women who migrate to provide care work often suffer negative consequences from their mother’s absence. The consequences include decreased focus on education and other activities. Moreover, the absence of the mother also often forces the girl in the family to pick up (unpaid) care work in order to provide care for her family.[45] Section III of the paper also highlights the consequences of care work on the caregivers in the setting of a household.
The protests for Mendoza and Pahagas in New York targeted the oppressive functioning of home healthcare which extracts and exploits the care workers. “End modern day slavery now,” one of the posters said.[46] This implies that rather than exploitation of natural and material resources, modern-day slavery constitutes exploitation of emotions and care. This coercive extraction does not need the state or factory owners, but just the comfort of home. Such findings problematize the ethicality of home healthcare. Care, which is often seen as a nurturing act has ramifications and postcolonial connotations that are directing the home healthcare industry towards emotional imperialism of the Global South. Thus, it is important to reconsider the ethics of care work in a relational framework in order to analyze its consequences on the caregivers.
V. Towards a Reconceptualization of Home Healthcare Ethics
The home healthcare industry of the U.S. is booming with high demand and supply. Despite the issues faced by individual caregivers, home healthcare continues to be seen as an ‘ethical’ professional because it provides nurturing and nourishment to people in order to facilitate their growth and well-being. It is often argued that the ‘care drain’ does not exist since care isn’t a measurable entity and that due to the advent of the Internet, it is possible for the caregivers to care for their families back at home and for their employer.[47] However, this paper argues that care work within the home healthcare sector is subjected to excessive exploitation. The subsequent consequence of such exploitation is deteriorating health of the caregiver, making it impossible for them to ‘care for’ their families back home. The paper also argued that the relationship between the caregiver and the care-receiver in home healthcare is deeply constructed by powers of neoliberalism, colonialism, and is determined by gender.
Considering these dimensions from an ethical standpoint pave the way for an ‘expressive – collaborative’ model of ethics to come into place. Feminists such as Margaret Walker have argued that morality (or ethics) should be looked at as “understanding and adjustment in which people account to each other for the identities, relationships and values that define their responsibilities”.[48] In the context of Filipino caregivers in America’s home healthcare sector, this model of ethics would imply looking at home healthcare not just in terms of the act of care-giving, but also in terms of the socio-political, psychological, ethnographic and historical process that operate behind the act.[49] Thus, an ethical reconsideration of home healthcare is needed in order to recognize the role of global structures of power (and discrimination) in governing something as traditionally private as care inside a home.
Works Cited
Antwi, P., Brophy, S., Strauss, H., & Troeung, Y.-D. (2013). POSTCOLONIAL INTIMACIES: GATHERINGS, DISRUPTIONS, DEPARTURES. Interventions, 15(1), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2013.770994
Aviv, R. (2019, July 9). The Sacrifices of an Immigrant Caregiver. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/04/11/the-sacrifices-of-an-immigrant-caregiver
Batalova, J. B. J. (2020, August 7). Immigrant Health-Care Workers in the United States. Migrationpolicy.Org. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrant-health-care-workers-united-states-2018
Guillermo, R. (2019). Beyond Bali: Subaltern Citizens and Post-Colonial Intimacy By Ana Dragojlovic. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016. Pp. 208. ISBN 10: 9462980640; ISBN 13: 978-0822362494. International Journal of Asian Studies, 16(1), 75–77. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479591418000311
Gündüz, Z. Y. (2015, April 15). The Feminization of Migration. Monthly Review. https://monthlyreview.org/2013/12/01/the-feminization-of-migration/#fn54
Hochschild, A. R., & Ehrenreich, B. (2002). Love and gold.
Hochschild, A. R. (2012). The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Third Edition, Updated with a New Preface ed.). University of California Press.
Lee, M. A. (2016). BEYOND THE CARE CHAIN: KOREAN-CHINESE CHAOXIANZU (朝鮮族) MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS IN CHINA, SOUTH KOREA AND FRANCE. China From Where WeStand: Readings InComparative Sinology, 205–220.https://www.academia.edu/25730619/BEYOND_THE_CARE_CHAIN_KOREAN_CHINESE_CHAOXIANZU_%E6%9C%9D%E9%AE%AE%E6%97%8F_MIGRANT_DOMESTIC_WORKERS_IN_CHINA_SOUTH_KOREA_AND_FRANCE
Mezzadri, A. (2016). Class, gender and the sweatshop: on the nexus between labour commodification and exploitation. Third World Quarterly, 37(10), 1877–1900. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2016.1180239
Nasa, R. (2017, August 1). Two Filipina domestic workers for German diplomat were overworked, underpaid: lawsuit. New York Daily News. https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/manhattan/diplomat-sued-underpaying-overworking-filipina-house-workers-article-1.3375495
Parks,[RS1] [aw2] [aw3] J. A. (2003). No Place Like Home?: Feminist Ethics and Home Health Care (Medical Ethics) (1st ed.). Indiana University Press.
Robinson, F. (2012). Decolonizing International Political Theory: Emotional Imperialism and the Paradox of Value in Globalized Care.
United Nations Organization. (n.d.). Filipino Women Migrant Workers: Fact Sheet. UN Women. https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2016/filipino-women-migrant-workers-factsheet.pdf?la=en&vs=2736
Vox. (2020, June 29). Why the US has so many Filipino nurses [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yw8a8n7ZAZg&t=481s
WHO. (2017). Women on the Move. World Health Organization.
References
[1] R Nasa. (2017, August 1). Two Filipina domestic workers for German diplomat were overworked, underpaid: lawsuit. New York Daily News. https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/manhattan/diplomat-sued-underpaying-overworking-filipina-house-workers-article-1.3375495.
[2] Ibid.
[3] United Nations. (2019, September 17). The number of international migrants reaches 272 million, continuing an upward trend in all world regions, says UN. UN DESA | United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. https://www.un.org/development/desa/en/news/population/international-migrant-stock-2019.html
[4] United Nations Organization. (n.d.). Filipino Women Migrant Workers: Fact Sheet. UN Women. https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2016/filipino-women-migrant-workers-factsheet.pdf?la=en&vs=2736
[5] J.B. J. Batalova, (2020, August 7). Immigrant Health-Care Workers in the United States. Migrationpolicy.Org. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrant-health-care-workers-united-states-2018
[6] Ibid.
[7] Parks, J. A. (2003). No Place Like Home?: Feminist Ethics and Home Health Care (Medical Ethics) (1st ed.). Indiana University Press.
[8] J.B. J. Batalova, (2020, August 7). Immigrant Health-Care Workers in the United States. Migrationpolicy.Org. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrant-health-care-workers-united-states-2018
[9] J Misra,, Woodring, J., & Merz, S. N. (2006). The globalization of care work: Neoliberal economic restructuring and migration policy. Globalizations, 3(3). https://doi.org/10.1080/14747730600870035, pg 319.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid pg. 320.
[14] R Guillermo, (2019). Beyond Bali: Subaltern Citizens and Post-Colonial Intimacy By Ana Dragojlovic. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016. Pp. 208. ISBN 10: 9462980640; ISBN 13: 978-0822362494. International Journal of Asian Studies, 16(1). https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479591418000311, pg. 75.
[15] N. Robles (2019, May 3). Why Filipino nurses are a huge presence in U.S. health care. INQUIRER.Net USA. https://usa.inquirer.net/28681/why-filipino-nurses-are-a-huge-presence-in-u-s-health-care.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Vox. (2020, June 29). Why the US has so many Filipino nurses [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yw8a8n7ZAZg&t=481s, 06:15- 06:46.
[19] Ibid.
[20] A Brice, (2019, May 30). Why are there so many Filipino nurses in the U.S.? Berkeley News. https://news.berkeley.edu/2019/05/28/filipino-nurses-in-the-us-podcast/
[21] Ibid.
[22] Ibid.
[23] A Mezzadri. (2016). Class, gender and the sweatshop: on the nexus between labour commodification and exploitation. Third World Quarterly, 37(10). https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2016.1180239, pg. 1887.
[24] Raghuram, P., Madge, C., & Noxolo, P. (2009). Rethinking responsibility and care for a postcolonial world. Geoforum, 40(1), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2008.07.007, pg. 4.
[25] Rent-A-Mom is a service in America that aims to fill the vacuum of childcare which is created when women are employed outside of the home. The service allows people to rent a caregiver (a woman) for the care of the child for a fixed period of time.
[26] While hospitals continue to be accessed in high numbers for care, long term care work of chronically ill patients, or the elderly is often done within a home setting.
[27] N Yeates, (2011). Global Care Chains. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 6(3), https://doi.org/10.1080/1461674042000235573, pg. 384.
[28] M.A. Lee, (2016). BEYOND THE CARE CHAIN: KOREAN-CHINESE CHAOXIANZU (朝鮮族) MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS IN CHINA, SOUTH KOREA AND FRANCE. China From Where WeStand: Readings InComparative Sinology, 205–220.https://www.academia.edu/25730619/BEYOND_THE_CARE_CHAIN_KOREAN_CHINESE_CHAOXIANZU_%E6%9C%9D%E9%AE%AE%E6%97%8F_MIGRANT_DOMESTIC_WORKERS_IN_CHINA_SOUTH_KOREA_AND_FRANCE
[29] WHO, (2017), Women on the Move, World Health Organization, pg 2.
[30] Aviv, R. (2019, July 9). The Sacrifices of an Immigrant Caregiver. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/04/11/the-sacrifices-of-an-immigrant-caregiver
[31] WHO, (2017), Women on the Move, World Health Organization, pg 2.
[32] J Misra, Woodring, J., & Merz, S. N. (2006). The globalization of care work: Neoliberal economic restructuring and migration policy. Globalizations, https://doi.org/10.1080/14747730600870035, pg. 324
[33] WHO, (2017), Women on the Move, World Health Organization, pg 3.
[34] Ibid pg. 4.
[35] Ibid pg. 3.
[36] Ibid.
[37] R Nasa. (2017, August 1). Two Filipina domestic workers for German diplomat were overworked, underpaid: lawsuit. New York Daily News. https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/manhattan/diplomat-sued-underpaying-overworking-filipina-house-workers-article-1.3375495.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Ibid.
[40] Ibid.
[41] Y. Z. Gündüz (2015, April 15). The Feminization of Migration. Monthly Review. https://monthlyreview.org/2013/12/01/the-feminization-of-migration/#fn54
[42] Ibid.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.
[45] WHO. (2017). Women on the Move. World Health Organization. pg. 5.
[46] R Nasa. (2017, August 1). Two Filipina domestic workers for German diplomat were overworked, underpaid: lawsuit. New York Daily News. https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/manhattan/diplomat-sued-underpaying-overworking-filipina-house-workers-article-1.3375495.
[47] N Yeates, (2011). Global Care Chains. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 6(3), https://doi.org/10.1080/1461674042000235573, p. 370.
[48] F Robinson, (2012). Decolonizing International Political Theory: Emotional Imperialism and the Paradox of Value in Globalized Care, p. 13.
[49] Ibid.